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OF 



ROBERT WICKUFFE 

U 



IN THE SENATE OP KENTUCKY, 



UPON THE PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTIONS IN RELATION 
TO THE TARIFF AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS; AND 
IN RESPONSE TO CERTAIN RESOLUTIONS FROM SOUTH 
CAROLINA. 



FRANKFORT, Kv 



PRINTED BY J. H. HOJLEJUA-N 

1830, 






Vf 



SPEECH, &c* 



Mr. Wickliffe said that he had designed not to be in his seat 
that day, and but for a recent occurrence should be with his family 
and perhaps not have again taken his seat during the session — - 
that he had from the first determined, if possible, not to be 
provoked into the discussion of the subject presented by both the 
resolutions and the amendment; that he had kept bis sent during 
two days, listening to the most unbridled abuse of a constituent and 
a friend: but the able and appropriate manner in which these unjust 
and he might say unfeeling attacks had been repelled by his friend 
from Nelson, Mr. Hardin, rendered (until that moment) any further 
notice of the ungenerous course of gentlemen useless. However 
the remarks of the gentleman, Mr. Campbell, who had just taken 
his seat, rendered silence on his part, no longer a virtue; and he 
should consider that he was faithless to his constituents and his 
country, as well as a traitor to his own feelings, if he did not novy 
claim the attention of the Senate. He knew that his remarks must 
be desultory, for neither his health nor time had permitted prepara- 
tion; but his friends must pardon him; they could not lament more 
than he did, the consumption of their valuable time, and the friends 
of the gentlemen who have distinguished themselves in recrimina- 
tions, he hoped, would, before they passed judgment, hear the de- 
fence of the accused ; and he must now be excused if he carried 
the war into the enemies country before he resumed his seat. Al- 
though, said Mr. Wickliffe, a personal friend and a constituent has 
been the unceasing theme of abuse and crimination, although he 
has been denounced as the modern Pericles, of towering, restless 
and mad ambition, that scatters dissentions and heart-burnings over 
an otherwise happy land, and although my friends here and in the 
other house have come in for their full share of dark insinuations ? 
that we intend to build up the broken fortunes of a fallen and con- 
victed political felon, I have not been more entertained with the 
sarcastic and amusing repartees of the gentleman from Nelson dur- 
ing the debate, than I have been with the sanctimonious counten- 
ances with which these gentlemen tender us their condolence for 
our fallen condition, and their cautionary harrangues to us against 
our showing any symptoms of discontent. Yes, sir, in sober sad- 
cess, you tell us that we know this world was made for Jackson, and 
that we are but hewers ©f wood and drawers of water, and how 
highly favoured we are that he permits, us to live at all in this world 



'.(4 ) 

of his: that these favours may be denied usiTwebul open out 
mouths to complain; If we do not strictly guard Mr. Clay, and see 
that he does, under no pretence whatever, leave Ashland; that he 
eats no more dinners, and makes no more dinner speeches against 
the peace of General Jackson, and to the great annoyance of his 
loyal subjects of this his dominion. We came here, say the gentle- 
men, expecting that Mr. Clay was our state prisoner, confined close 
and safe, and that you, his friends, were so prostrate and fallen that 
we should never be troubled with you again. In this situation we 
were ready to offer you our hands, and to say to you that our chief 
only reqtiires that you perform your daily tasks under us your task-, 
masters; but, as we have said before, we repeat to you again,if you 
but let a murmur escape you, we will shorten your bread, double 
your tasks and like Israel of old, you shall make brick without 
straw; and yet these words of condolence and caution, instead of 
having the desired effect, have stiffened your necks until you have 
impudently forced upon us this most detested preamble and these 
resolutions, in which you dare to associate the name of H. Clay 
with that of Washington; worse still, to express your unshaken 
confidence in his patriotism and unbending integrity. 

One gentleman was particularly happv (as he no doubt thought; 
in a vein of mock pity and sarcastic taunting of Mr. Clay and his 
frierds. This gentleman, (Mr. Allen.) in the hacknejed way, when a 
deep cut is intended, begins with telling us how much he pities Mr. 
Clay — that he views him as a fallen prostrate man, that he once, 
to be sure, admired that gentleman, but that he now views him as 
fallen never to rise again ; that it is useless for him and his friends to 
disturb public opinion; that he had better be at home cutting down 
his corn stocks, than trapesing up and down the country, making 
dinner speeches, disturbing the public repose; that Mr. Clay has 
been tried and condemned, and that it is vain for him to think 
of appealing from his sentence of condemnation; that the people 
have heard too much of bargain, intrigue and sale, to ever be re- 
conciled to Mr. Clay; that he should like to know how Mr. Clay 
ever expects to satisfy the people how he and Mr. Adams became 
such mighty friends, after being sworn enemies. For his part he was 
taught by Mr. Clay to dispise Mr. Adams; and all of a sudden, to 
be sure, Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams embrace; Mr. Clay makes Mr. 
Adams President, and Mr. Adams makes Mr. Clay his Secretary, 
and the veil is removed; the mystery explained. 

A few words to all this before I pass to the gentleman from Liv- 
ingston and to Mr. Speaker. Now sir, I deny that Mr. Clay ever 
taught the gentleman to dispise Mr. Adams, if ever he taught him 
an* ingjp Pray, I would ask the gentleman, when and how came 
Mr. Clay his school master. He is greatly Mr. Clay's superior in 
age if nothing ckc, and I never heard before of his having any par- 
ticular intimacy with or liking for that gentleman. On this point the 



i » > 

gentleman attempted some thing like an explanation, it was souk? 
pieces that were published in the Argus, and perhaps in a paper in 
the State of Ohio, charging Mr. Adams with attempting to barter 
away the navigation of the Mississippi, for the privilege of drying 
iishand other privileges within the British possessions in North Ame- 
rica, that he learnt his political A B C in, and how to dispise Mr. 
Adams. I know sir, that the Jackson version of this fabrication, has 
ascribed them to Mr. Clay; but the gentleman ought not so soon to 
have forgotten, that Amos Kendall, and not Mr. Clay, schooled him 
into these revolting feelings against Mr. Adams. Has the gentle- 
man's memory failed him, that when he called the said Amos, as a 
witness for him before the Senate in 1827, to prove this bargain and 
intrigue story; that that individual swore that he himself started 
the story of Mr. Adams' hostility to the west, without seeing or con- 
sulting Mr. Clay; that on Mr. Clay's seeing his paper containing 
the charges against Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay told him that he had mis- 
represented Mr. Adams; but that Mr. Adams wrote a pamphlet jus- 
tifying his course at Ghent, and that he, Kendall, wrote a review 
of Mr. Adams' pamphlet; that the scurrilous pieces published in 
Cincinnati against Mr. Adams, were also written by himself; and has 
he forgotten that that wretch, though he evidently endeavored to 
inculpate Mr. Clay, when questioned, could not, or did not swear 
that Mr. Clay ever saw, either his review or his scurrilous Ohio 
production, until they went to press; such is my recollection of 
what Kendall swore, and I believe that of all who now hear me; 
and none has a better right to recollect, than the worthy gentleman 
from Green, himself. Kendall, I admit, is no authority against any 
man, or for any man, but himself and the gentleman from Greeu 
who introduced him; and if he is to be believed when sworn, even 
for this limited purpose, he has been the school master, and not Mr. 
Clay, of the gentleman. He has taught him his A B C in dispising 
Mr. Adams. Mr. Clay has denied his personal and political hostil- 
ity to Mr. Adams; he has challenged those who allege his malevo- 
lence towards Mr. Adams, to produce one single act or word to jus- 
tify the charge. It may be true that Mr. Adams, when the creature 
Kendall attacked him, supposed he had baen excited by his rival 
candidate; indeed, from the tone of his defence, it is obvious that 
such was his then impressions. But Clay observed a dignified 
course; he would not volunteer a denial, but leave the matter 
where it was, and no doubt Adams has long since felt that he did 
Clay injustice in supposing him capable of using such an instru- 
ment as Kendall, to disseminate falsehood and slander against him 
in the west. 

Having, I trust, satisfied thz gentleman that Amos Kenddi rand 
not Mr. Clay, has been the school master that taught him toi3ispise 
Mr. Adams, I will now thank the gentiemnn to tell me what he means 
by saying that Mr. Clay has been Ivied and condemned, and that 



(6) 

lie ought to be satisfied with his sentence of condemnation, for his 
bargain and sale to Mr. Adams. (Here Mr. Allen denied that he 
had charged Mr. Clay with a bargain and sale to Mr. Adams.) 
Very well, says Mr. Wickliffe, I do not pretend to give the exact 
words of the gentleman. I think, though, I had not losf sight of the 
substance of what the gentleman said. What does the gentleman 
mean by the trial and condemnation of Mr. Clay? of what has he 
been guilty? Aye, here is the rub with the Senator. And now let 
me again refresh that gentleman's recollection. He now has not 
used the exact words bargain and sale; but did any Senator misun* 
derstand the gentleman? How was it in 1827? Did not that gentle-, 
man introduce a resolution calling for persons and papers, not only 
to saddle intrigue, corruption, bargain and sale on Mr. Clay, but 
upon eight of our members of Congress also? And did not this 
Senate grant him process, and did not he. and his party send for 
persons and papers? Yes sir, and this Senate was detained here 
nearly one half of its whole session, hearing evidence from that 
gentleman and the witnesses which he introduced, for the purpose 
of sustaining his charge of bargain and sale; and did not his school- 
master, Amos, swear by the hour for him? And what was the result 
after the patience of the Senate ana" treasury of the State had been 
exausted for the gentleman and his witness, Amos Kendall? Why 
the Senate voted the charge false and malicious. With the jour- 
nals containing this vote of the Senate, pronounced on the exparte 
evidence produced by the gentleman, (for the friends of Mr. Clay 
disdained to offer exculpatory evidence,) it is a little extraordinary 
that the gentleman has spoken of the trial and condemnation of 
Mr. Clay. Mr. Clay has been put upon his trial no where but in 
this Senate; and submitting to the old Gothic rule of an exparte 
trial, and on the witnesses of the accuser only, he has been acquit- 
ted by this Senate; and worse, too, for his accuser, the charge was 
decided to be false and malicious. But a word or two upon the 
subject that so much disturbs the Senator from Livingston, and seem- 
ed to haunt the imagination of Mr. Speaker also; that is, Mr. Clay's 
eating and drinking with his friends, and above all, making dinner 
speeches. In this way, say the gentlemen, he scatters dissention 
over the land and interrupts the general quiet that would otherwise 
prevail. Ah! Gentlemen, is it true that the calm of despotism ia 
thus shaken? W T hat! but for Mr. Clay, the fetters forged and forg- 
ing would be peaceably worn by the people? Patriot would fall after 
patriot, and sacrifice succeed sacrifice, to build up and consolidate 
the frightful powers assumed at Washington, and the people would 
be as silent as sheep amidst the slaughter of the devouring wolf? 
Is this what you mean? Is this what you fear? If Mr. Clay make 
statements not true, they will recoil. If it is true that President 
Jackson is not treating all those opposed to him, as sanguinary ty- 
rants always, when victorious, treat the conquered; then Mr. Claj 



(5) 

and Mr. Clay's friends do him injustice. But let facts decide. 
What has stamped William the Conquerer, and Caesar, tyrants, as 
well as all other conquerers who have acted on the same principle, 
so much as that they considered the property of the people they 
subdued, spoil for their followers and retainers? William conquer- 
ed the public offices, the soil and its owners, and he divided them 
among his retainers and followers. Jackson has not yet conquered 
our soil; no, not yet! but in his victory, which he has achieved, 
he has conquered the offices of the nation; and like a tyrant, 
true to his soldiery that achieved the victory for him, he has ousted 
those in office and distributed their offices among his political 
bullies. But more of this hereafter, I would now ask gentle- 
men, who is Mr. Clay, that he should be denied the common privi- 
leges of a freeman, to eat and drink with his friends, and what is 
his otfence that has thus disprivileged him? Sir, when I look back 
upon the history of this gentleman's life, I admit that I see much in 
it to rejoice at and to lament for my country. At an early period of 
childhood he lost his father, and struggling with many difficulties in- 
cident to a state of orphanage, he cast his lot in Kentucky. I 
well remember him, when a young member of the bar from Vir- 
ginia, seeking a home in our State. He came here a stranger and 
without other means than nature and his own exertions afforded, 
to recommend him, or to assure him a livelihood. His talents, how- 
ever, soon unfolding themselves, made him, amidst heavy compe- 
tition, the favorite as well as the pride of his profession. By a 
zealous attention to business he overcame the dangers of poverty 
that too frequently overwhelm young candidates for business. In 
a few years the youthful Clay could successfully measure strength 
at the bar with the M ughes', the Browns and Aliens of the State. 
His eloquence * as admired by all and his urbane manners made 
him the delight of all. These, to Mr. Clay, were days of ease and 
comparative splendor,* from being poor, he became opulent; from 
being a young stranger, his fame was mature and dear to the State. 
It is not my intention to be minute with regard to Mr. Clay's early 
history; suffice it for me to declare, that when I speak from a per- 
sonal knowledge of all the then eminent men of the State, that 
none had the same prespects for wealth in the profession in Kentuc- 
ky, that he had. It was about this period that Mr. Clay was, with* 
out his knowledge, and when from home, run as a candidate for the 
Legislature. He was elected, and in obedience to the principle 
which has governed his public conduct, through life, laid down his 
duty to his family to discharge it to his country. It was then that 
he distinguished himself first as a statesman in resisting the uncon- 
stitutional efforts that were made to repeal the charter of the Insur 
a ice office. He was elected again to the Legislature without op- 
position, and at the commencement of the next session, a vacancy 
happened in the Senate of the United States, by the resignation of 



(8) 

General Adair, of but one year. Mr. Clay was elected to fill that 
vacancy. He entered the Senate of course, both a stranger to 
that body and young, but his talents were instantly employed in the 
service of this State and the west. Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio 
had been theretofore deprived of the benefit of the circuit courts 
of the United States. It was reserved for the youthful Senator to 
put forth the fair claims of the west and to carry through Congress, 
in triumph, a bill extending the circuit system to those States. He 
did more, sir, not as our present Senators have done, in repudiating 
the nomination of one of Kentucky's favorite sons and most eminent 
jurist from the Supreme Court, (Mr. Crittenden;) he caused the 
appointment of the additional judge to fall upon a distinguished 
citizen of his owr\ State. It was at this session, I believe, that the 
first bill was ever engrossed, providing for the opening of the Cum- 
berland Road. 

The people of Kentucky had theretofore been ably represented 
in the Senate, but they lost in the death of that truly great 
man and valued citizen, John Breckenridge, much of their weight 
in Congress. It was desired by all, that his place should be sup- 
supplied by eminent abilities, in one of the branches of the 
National Legislature. For this purpose all eyes were turned to 
Mr. Clay. Yes, Mr. Speaker, there are those, living as well as 
dead, whose minds were held in suspense as to their advice to Mr- 
Clay; who saw that his interest and that of his young, growing and 
helpless family, and those of his country, were at issue — that his 
country required his time and talents, and that his family required 
them likewise; and well I know, that the situation of his family of- 
ten pressed on him, when he hesitated between the calls of his friends 
and country, and the duties of domestic life — His friends and coun- 
try, however, prevailed; and Mr. Clay, for that country, turned his 
back upon wealth and independence. It is, now Sir, more than 
twenty years, since that individual laid down the most profitable 
practice any lawyer ever had in the west, to spend the prime of 
his life, and to give his talents to his country. In such a case, Mr. 
Speaker, is there not something like an implied understanding be- 
tween the servant and the master, that he, the servant, is not to be 
deserted in his old age, when he has worn out his constitution for 
his country? Republics have been reproached with this deadly in- 
gratitude, by the advocates of Monarchy. The monarchists up- 
braided us with the ingratitude of ancient Greece and Rome, to 
their faithful sons, when our fathers decided on a republican govern- 
ment, in preference to that of a monarchy; they told us, that, as in 
Greece and Rome and Carthage, our Aristideses, our Hanibals, and 
our Scipios would, in old age, be abandoned or placed under ostra- 
cism; or die like Socrates, for daring to be pure amidst corruption: 
while the demagogues and public plunderes would seize the high- 
est offices and enjoy them— they told us, that they (the demagogues^ 



(9) 

had been the curse and ruin of every republic. Yet our fathers 
hoped, and we will hope a better result, from our own government. 
But, Mr. Speaker, what can we hope for, if we lay ourselves liable 
to the same charge of ingratitude that Greece and Rome did, to 
public benefactors, and award, as they did, to demagogues and pub- 
lic plunderers, all the honors and offices of the republic? what can 
we hope but to fall as they did; to fall, like Lucifer, never to rise 
again? If we expect men to turn their backs on their families and 
fortunes for their country, we must consider our public men, public 
property; their reputation a part of that of the state — instead of 
rising upon them, like the fabled monster that destroyed its own 
progeny. What is it that forms the character of a state, but her 
distinguished men? And, Sir, if you expect your public servants to 
be/aithful, you must not be treacherous to them. Why has it hap- 
pened, that Virginia has^ heretofore, ruled the national councils > 
that she has litterally dictated to the nation as well as furnished four 
out of five presidents? Because she was faithful to her favorite sons* 
Her policy has heretofore been, never to destroy the affection of the 
child, through the ingratitude of the mother; not to disparage, not 
to obscure the talents she possessed; but to adhere to her sons, in 
good and evil report; and although in some periods of her history, 
some one or more of her distinguished men have seemed, for a while, 
to be neglected, yet she always recurred to them in time, and 
raised them into notice. Would to God, I could say thus much 
for Kentucky. She, Sir, I admit, seems to forget the salutary 
lessons of history, and the examples of her mother-, Virginia. 
But I will yet hope, that when Kentucky speaks, she will not 
prove herself ungrateful; and that she will speak into nothing- 
ness, the ephemeral demagogues that are now fattening on the pub- 
lic treasury. No, Mr. Speaker, I can never admit that my country 
will be, can be ungratefuh It is only necessary for the highminded 
Kentuckians to be called to act, understandingly, to destroy all your 
hopes of the destruction of Mr. Clay, founded, as such hopes are, on 
the ingratitude of republics. 

When I digressed, I left Mr. Clay resolved to enter into the ser- 
vice of his country; and it was known to all that the people were 
willing, and that his friends offered him his choice, of either a seat 
in the Senate, or that of the House of Representatives. Mr. Clay 
chose the latter: and, in making that selection, he, in a letter ad- 
dressed to the voters of the district, declared that he did so, from 
the consideration, that he thought that his responsibility would be 
greatest in that branch, and that he could there be most useful to 
his country. This declaration was, no doubt, sincere ; as he then had 
no opposition, and never had but one, and that but a feeble one, dur- 
ing his service in congress. Mr. Clays election was everywhere hail- 
ed with joy. The nation was in great difficulty, and never stood more 
in need of talent? and integrity than at that period, On his reach/ 

B 



( 10 ) 

ihg Congress, he was. elected Speaker of the House of Rcpresenth- 
tives, although he had never theretofore been a member of that bo- 
dv — over which lie presided with unrivalled ability, until he re- 
signed the station to discharge a more responsible and delicate trust; 
that of hegotiati lg a peace with one of the most powerful nations 
on earth. During a period of war Mr. day presided as speaker. 
Did any man possess more of the national confidence, thnn he did? 
Was he not always among the foremost to vindicate the rights of his 
country? Did Kentucky ever occupy a higher stand in + he estim-v 
tion of United America? Her representative, ardent, bold and pat- 
riotic was considered as her true representative. There was ro. 
man who visited at the seat of government — who visited a si.-ler 
State, that did not feel the benefits of Clay's fame and talents. 
All the fair claims of Kentucky and her citizens, werct duly ap- 
preciated. At Washington, the poorest citizen felt as if he had a 
pledge in the strength of his representative, that his just claims on 
his government would be recognized. How many are there of our 
gallant sons that owe preferment to him! How many of them that, 
through his care, attention and politeness have felt themselves wel- 
come at Washington? Yes, sir, Mr. Clay was alike distinguished 
for his social virtues and for his political integrity. He met a Ken- 
tuckian at Washington, as a brother, and the son of a Kentuckian as 
the son of a brother. It was during Mr. Clay's service in Congress 
that many of the most important and beneficial measures, relative 
to the west, were carried. At all times the ardent friend of the 
West, he was ever foremost in asserting and defending her interests. 
His energies were successfully directed to the opening of the great 
national high-way from the navigable waters of the Potomac to the 
Ohio; and before he closed his public life, he had the satisfaction of 
seeing that great public work pushed, not only to the Ohio, but even 
into the heart of the western country. Sensible that, in our vast re- 
public an equal distribution of the public funds, for public purposes, 
among all the States, was the only mode by winch the government 
would or could be supported by the people, he was the champion of 
the right of congress to make internal improvments for national pur- 
poses. For it required no foresight to discern, that if all the public 
monies were, from the natdre of our government, to be expended 
upon fortifications, light houses and break-waters, that Kentucky 
and the other western States would be taxed to support the ex- 
tremes, without the return of a corresponding benefit, that this 
, drain from the centre to the extremes could but tend to impoverish 
thewest ? and especially the State he represented. He was, there- 
lore, vigilant in bringing the national funds to a proper condition, 
to commence the great work of improving and facilitating the inter- 
course and commerce between the states. 

And here, Mr. Speaker, I will be permitted to take notice of 
what was said by the honorable Speaker the other day. He, sir, 



{ tl ) 

said, that he was a friend to Internal Improvement, but he was a 
friend to the constitution, and lie would not break the constitution to 
make national improvements. Sir, I can make little out of this re- 
mark, but if I can understand any thing from it, it is that Mr. 
Speaker has caught the Jacksonizing view of the constitution, and 
is, like his President, willing to tinker with the constitution a little, 
before he is willing that the nation shall make her highways for 
national purposes. Mr. Speaker, do you know, Sir, when and how 
these constitutional scruples were first raised in your own mind? 
Do you, Sir", know when and how they were first raised elsewhere? 
With you, Sir, rests the question as to yourself. But history, im- 
partial history, will both arraign the motives and mark the time, 
when the government of this Union was maimed and crippled in its 
powers, to effect the beneficial results proposed to the American 
people by its founders. Sir, as late as 1816, South-Carolina, (that 
State whose resolves against the power of Congress to make roads 
for national purposes are now before us,) was the foremost among 
the States to press the subject upon Congress. She was then repre- 
sented by her Lowndes' and not her M 1 Duffies. Then, Mr. Speaker, 
John C Calhoon, your Vice President, a member from that State, 
reported a bill forming a national fund for the purpose of making 
Internal Improvements. In the session of 1827, I read to the Sen- 
ate the journal shewing this fact. It is now within the reach of 
every Senator. Then, Sir, Calhoon, Lowndes and I believe every 
member of the South-Carolina delegation, were ardent friends to 
Internal Improvements for national purposes. There was then no 
•difference of opinion between them and Clay, as to the powers of 
the national government to make national highways. Indeed, to use 
the language of Mr. Livingston, one of the oldest members of Con- 
gress, this power was never doubted or thought of being doubted, 
from the foundation of the government, until about the time that 
Mr. Monroe's administration expired. It was about this period that 
Mr. Clay was spoken of as his successor. The west had been 
greatly benefitted by his public services — the west felt a deep in- 
terest in the exercise of this benificent and paternal power by the 
national government. Mr. 'Clay's name was identified with this in- 
terest. A citizen or citizens of Wheeling, had erected a monu- 
ment to his name near the spot where the great national road struck 
the river Ohio. There were other gentlemen that were also spo- 
ken of; the friends of all looked to the west for votes for their favor- 
ites; the friends of each of these candidates supposed that if Clay 
were disposed of, that their favorite would succeed. To persuade 
the west that to make national roads would really injure the west- 
ern people, was a hopeless task; equally hopeless was the prospect 
of persuading the people of the west that either of the other can- 
didates could or would do more to improve the "west than Clay.. 
The only way then, left for them, was to render hopeless the pros- 



( 12 ) 

pect of th,e west on this subject, by denying the -power of Congress 
to make national roads altogether; and thereby to persuade the 
west that it mattered not who was elected, the nation would not, 
because tfeey could not, expend any portion of the national taxes in 
the west, by improving and opening the roads and navigable streams 
for national purposes. Clay had also, on his first entering into 
Congress, pressed upon that body the necessity of protecting our 
manufactures from the ruin with which they were threatened from 
the British weavers. He had succeeded in part in obtaining revi- 
sions of the tariff laws, and all eyes were turned, to him in a third 
war for our independence of Great Britain, to be fought by their- 
weavers and our own. It was equally vain for the office hunters 
to attempt to persuade the patriotic manufacturer and the plain 
farmer, that in these exertions of Mr. Clay, he was not their friend. 
It become them then to make new discoveries in the constitution 
on this point also; and the power to pass tariff laws as well as law*, 
for Internal Improvements, were declared to be unconstitutional by 
all the office hunters and office seekers in the canvass. Mark what 
I say, Sir. I have said and now say, that the want of this power is a 
novel discovery of the friends of General Jackson and those of the 
other candidates. Nay, Sir, I misname it, it is a novel invention to 
prostrate and ruinthe political standing of Clay. Sir, did not Jefferson 
as eaily as 1 807, sign the road bill, passed to open the national road 
from Cumberland to the Ohio, and all the bills making appropria- 
tions for it that passed while he was in office, and did he ever doubt 
his constitutional power to do so. Did not Giles, the present Gov- 
ernor of Virginia, now so loud and long against the power and the 
policy, make a flaming speech in favor of the policy of those bills! 
Yes, Sir, on a former occasion I read to this Senate bill after bill 
signed by Jefferson, making provisions for the opening of national 
highways; I also read to the Senate Giles' speech, in which he 
boasts that the time had arrived when the national energies, and na- 
tional capita) should be appropriated to improvement of, and open- 
ing the national highways. For most of these bills, nay, for all of 
them, John Pope, then a Senator from Kentucky voted, and as I be= 
lieve, so did every member wehadinboth branchesof the Legislature 
at that time. And now, Sir,sorne of these very men are callingdown 
the vengeance of the people upon the devoted head of Mr. Clay, 
because he has read the constitution as Washington, Adams, Jeffer- 
son and all before him read it. Mr. Speaker, rely on it here com- 
menced youv own political doubts. Here commenced Giles's and 
others doubts. Clay must be sacrificed, and while the demagogues 
at a distance from the Cumberland road were denouncing him for 
his favoring the system of Internal Improvement, General Jackson 
stationed Carter Beverly at Wheeling to disseminate, on his, Jack- 
son's own authority, the story of intrigue, bargain and sale. Clay 
bad, during the administrations of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe an?5 



K 13) 

Mr. Adams, largely participated in the agency of the national gov 
ernment. He kuew the value and virtue of many officers that had 
grown gray in the service of their country. He, therefore, was not 
expected to put the public offices to sale nor the national resources 
to sacrifice. He was, of course, not the favorite of the office hun- 
ters. They were for the money and for the man that would give it 
to them; and hence Mr, Speaker, the great popularity of President 
Jackson, and hence too, the incessant persecution of Clay. It is 
now piping times with those lean, hungry cormorants, that hung once 
upon other administrations begging treasury pap; they know well, 
Sir, but for Jackson they would still be the same hungry, lean ex- 
pectants from the treasury. The name, nay thought of Clay to 
this tribe is terrifying; they well remember how weary, lank and 
lean they were, waiting but for a crum to fall from the treasury, 
while now they sit down to the first table. No wonder they are 
alarmed if Mr. Clay but dine with his friends. Their all is at stake 
in President Jackson; it is him that feeds the hungry and clothes 
the naked printers,those vultures that once fed on slander and roost- 
ed in garretts, are now banquetting on the spoils of the treasury, 
lodged in public edifices, and from the labor of the people arrayed 
in purple and fine linnen. There is another class, Mr. Speaker, 
a degree lower than these, equally concerned about Mr. Clay. It is 
that class that are knocking for favors at the door of the palace, 
who are waiting for dead men's shoes; who are writing to President 
Jackson, his Secretaries and Post-master General, how loyal they 
have been and are — spies who note down what they hear, and trans- 
mit it to the Presidential ear — creatures that boast how much they 
have abused Clay and Adams, and who have hoarded up little tales 
z bout coffin handbills, Chickasaw speculations and other aberrations 
of the general, to abuse the executive confidence with ; Mr. Clay cant 
leave home but this pack is in full cry after him. They know full wel! 
that this is now the road to office — that every chase of this kind run? 
down some poor postmaster, or cjerk or collector, and that his office 
falls to the lot of him that has the loudest note in the political hunt. 
It is said that wheneverthe British butchers wished todispose of their 
victims, during the troubles in Ireland, their creaturesalways raised 
the cry that Napper Tandy was in Dublin; and while the people 
were alarmed and excised for their king and religion, the ministers 
were slaughtering their victims. It really seems to me, Mr. Speak- 
er, that the ministers of General Jackson, through their imps and 
spies, are playing the same game at this moment. There are many 
sober minded Jackson men that detest the proscription of Jackson; 
many doubts its necessity. These must be deceived or they leave 
the party. Hence it is, that whenever your President and his un- 
derlings wish to sacrifice a few honest, faithful public servants, to 
make way for more of their creatures, that their spies raise the hu? 



( fr ) 

and cry that Napper Tandy is in Dublin. Yes, Clay is loose, and his 
majesty's crown and whole dominions arc in danger. It is thus, 
Mr. Speaker, that this administration is using up the honest men of 
both parties, deceiving their honest friends by the clamor of their 
mercenaries. 

Mr. Speaker, this watchfulness of Mr. Clay argues but little for 
the administration. There is something mean in a whole nation 
arraying itself against a solitary individual. Whenever this has 
been the case, it has seldom happened that the government was not 
wrong and the individual right. For the justice of this remark, I 
appeal to all history, (the speech of the honorable Speaker, to the 
contrary notwithstanding.) That gentleman said, I think, that the 
majority was against Mr. Clay, and the majority must be right. 
The same remark fell from the gentleman from Livingston, (Mr. 
Campbell.) That gentleman said that when Mr. Clay was aban- 
doned by the nation he ought to be abandoned by his friends. That 
is not my doctrine, Mr. Speaker. When I see an individual like 
Ca?sar, or Jackson, with an army at his heels, and hear the people 
cry long live Jackson, or Ccesar, I will inquire whether Caesar or 
Catoisthe patriot, or Jackson or Loualliar is the Patriot. There 
"were times, Sir, when Buon;ipartc, Caesar and Cromwell were all 
men of the people. Was Buonaparte mere a patriot, when he, the 
man of the majority, at the point of the bayonet, expelled the na- 
tional assembly of France, than he was when he was chained to the 
rock of St. Helena? Was Caesar more a patriot, when, with a majority 
at his heels, he subverted the authorities of the Senate and the tri- 
bunes, than he was when he fell by the assassin's dagger? Was 
Cromwell more a patriot for expelling the members of the British 
Parliament with a majority at his heels? And is Jackson the better 
patriot because, in imitationof these splendid tyrants, he, with an 
army at his heels, subverted the powers and expelled from their halls 
the Legislature of a sovereign State? No; Mr. Speaker, you are 
not to close my ears nor shut my mouth because General Jackson 
may have a majority of this nation on his side. I will not ? there- 
fore, be detered from bestowing the mead of praise where praise is 
due, on an injured and grossly slandered patriot. What is this con- 
test and how is it forced upon us! Why, the friends of the adminis- 
tration, not contented with their victory so much lauded, in this de- 
bate, force upon the Legislature of Kentucky a string of resolutions, 
all pointing directly at the political course of Mr. Clay. They call 
upon us to resolve that Congress has no power to make a national 
road for national purposes; that Congress has no power to lay a tax 
upon foreign commerce, with a view to protect our own labor; and 
this comes from South-Carolina, the very State, which, previous to 
Mr. Clay's being run as a candidate for President, was the most 
ardently devoted of all the States in the Union, to these very prin- 
ciples which we are now, by her, called on to disavow. What is this 



{ 15 ) 

but a masked battery, a Jackson battery, to play upon the political 
reputation of Mr. Clay, for the benefit of their heir apparent to 
the Jackson crown. The lower house have so understood it, and have 
therefore, added to their negative of these extraordinary resolves 
of South-Carolina, a declaration of their unshaken confidence in 
Mr. Clay; and now, to be sure, we, who were perfectly willing to 
have been silent, to have done the people's business and returned 
home, are upbraided by the worthy friends of General Jackson here, 
with having thrown this fire brand into the Legislature. Sir, this 
is the game you played us in 1827. You demanded an investiga- 
tion into Mr. Clay's conduct. You told us if we would allow you 
to send for persons and papers you would prove the intrigue, corrup- 
tion, bargain and sale story. We refused. You at us again. We 
ende-«vored to dissuade you from so extraordinary a course; and then 
you bearded us withybur insolent printer, who, in the Jackson Jour- 
nal edited by him, told us we dare not grant the leave. We in- 
dulged you, and when -you, as I before stated, had exhausted the 
patience and time of the Senate, as well as the treasury, in that 
most scandalous business, and failed, you then abused us for letting 
you do it. You haVe forced these resolutions on us; they are 
' started at the moment that the President's message is under the 
hammer. His speech is but the echo of those resolutions, or the 
resolutions the echo of his speech. They are sent with a demand 
that the executive shall lay them before us. If we had not acted 
on them, we might and would have been justly charged with neg- 
lect of duty, and the want of respect for the opinion of a sister 
State. 

Sir, I beg you to read the message and these resolutions, and see 
how exactly they chime together. Will you, Mr. Speaker, pretend 
to say, that there is no concert in this business, to commit the State 
of Kentucky on them? Sir, it was no doubt hoped by the movers in 
Carolina, and the advocates of Jackson's plans for constitution 
mending, that Jackson had his majorities here, and that even Ken- 
tucky would be caught into this anti-tariff and anti-Internal Im- 
provement construction of the constitution of the United States. 
But it turns out differently. There are, thank God, but few here 
that dare, before the people of Kentucky, to affirm the principles 
avowed in these resolutions, and but a lean minority that will go 
with President Jackson in his constitution mending; Well, how 
then are we, the friends of Mr. Clay, chargable with all the time 
and money which will be spent on these Jackson resolutions? Mr. 
Speaker, we wiil take the whole responsibility from you. If you 
are tired of your child, we will nurse it for you. The people, I 
trust, will think themselves amply compensated for the time and 
money lost, in the able vindication which theirconstitution and their 
public servant have, in the response of the lower house. They 
^villnow know who. it is, among us, that is for denying the right r .' 



i ft ) 

Congress to protect the labor of the country against the competi- 
tion of foreigners, and who it is that is willing that Kentucky shall 
be forever taxed to build light houses, fortifications and break wa- 
ters in other States, without the hope of our having a national road, 
canal or other improvement in our own State. But say gentle- 
men, strike Mr. Clay's name from the preamble and we will let you 
pass the resolutions. Sir, to this I reply; no one expects gentlemen 
opposed to the preamble to vote for it. Why were not gentlemen, 
who now speak of lost time, contented to act as we were; to vole 
without long speeches. No, Sir, they must have it committed that 
Mr. Speaker should give his views; they are gratified. Mr. Speak- 
er entertained us with at least too phillippics against Mr. Clay and 
gave to others a passing notice. The whole matter was consider- 
ed as closed, and when I was called to the Senate I expected only to 
give my vote; but to my astonishment, the Senate was presented 
with the amendment of the gentleman from Livingston, and then 
entertained with too long speeches, the one from that gentleman and 
the other by the gentleman from Green; and yet we are charged 
with killing time, among our other offences. Did the gentlemen 
mean to kill time? No. Did they expect to gain our votes on the 
side of anti-Tariff and anti-Internal Improvement measures? scarce- 
ly. What then did they speak for? Effect. Sir, very well, they shall 
have it. I am content to debate it out with them, let their speeches 
have what effect they may* The two gentlemen, Mr. Maupin and 
Mr. Allen, rest their whole grounds of complaint against Mr. Clay, 
in the charge that he deserted the people in 1824, in voting for Mr* 
Adams; and Mr. Speaker, alluding to myself, asked if he did not 
vote for General Jackson in 1S24. This subject to me was once 
disagreeable, because I never like to account to those I am not ac- 
countable to,formy political conduct; nor to prove my consistency to 
satisfy either the vanity or vexation of gentlemen, who, instead of 
meeting any subject of discussion fairly, expect to either escape 
from their antagonist or carry their point by an attack on his politi- 
cal consistency. But on the present occasion I am not at all disob- 
liged by the Speaker's so kindly referring to my course in relation 
to President Jackson. As I am not, however, put on my trial in the 
resolution, I will first rescue Mr. Clay from either disobeying the 
Voice of the people or deserting their interest in 1324. Sir, said 
Mr. WicklifFe, Mr. Clay was, at that period, a member of the House 
of Representatives from this State, elected by the people of his dis- 
trict, when it became his duty to vote for a President of the Unit- 
ed States. This duty devolved on him after he parted with his 
constituents; indeed, before he left home, it was not known wheth- 
er, from his own situation, he would have to perform that duty. 
After it was known that he would not be one of the three highest, 
and that he must perform the duty of an elector, his constituents 
Wt him free to act—they knew their interests were safe in his hands. 



( 17) 

and many of them wrote to him to that effect. There is no doubt 
that Mr. Clay had strong personal feelin»s*for Crawford, as well as his 
former political associations, to induce him to vote for Mr. Crawford; 
but Mr. Crawford's health and the utter impossibility of uniting a 
majority of the States on him, rendered it his duty to select a Presi- 
dent between Jackson and Adams. He knew Adams well, he knew 
him to be a ripe schollar and an able statesman, and believed him 
to be a patriot. He had served with him at Ghent and in London, 
and could but respect his talents and experience. He had witness- 
ed his conduct as Secretary of State, and could but acknowledge 
the great talent and industry he had displayed while at the head of 
the department of State. Adams had, through life, been devoted to 
business, and in reputation and practice was a constitutional states- 
man, who had neverbeen charged with,muchless guilty of,violating 
and trampling under foot the laws and constitution of his country. 
Jackson, on the contrary, was in every tiling the antipode of Adams; 
passionate and impetuous. He had been a lawyer, judge, mer- 
chant; some times one thing and some times another, until the war 
Drought him into notice. From being a militia general, he became 
a general in the regular army ; and was, the few years he was in 
the camp, a fortunate soldier, fie had triumphed over the naked 
and half armed Creeks and Seminoles, and had, with an overwhelm- 
ing force, against the orders of his superiors, twice invaded the ter- 
ritories of a friendly power and given that power just provocation 
ior war. He had repulsed the invading army at New-Orleans, 
when his fortified camp was assailed, and peace interposed to stop 
another battle between him and the British. These constituted 
General Jackson's fairest and highest claims to the Presidency; 
against them was to be set down his excessive vanity and overbear- 
ing tyranny, displayed on each and every point where those pas- 
sions could find materials to act upon. He had, at the battle of the 
Horse Shoe, directed an indiscriminate slaughter of the unresisting 
Creeks. He had courtmarshalled, condemned and shot, John 
Wood, a poor militia boy, for a trifling misdemeanor. He had 
courtmarshalled and shot six other militia men, for a mistake of 
their rights — to make the worst of their offence. He had, when 
backed by his soldiery, subverted the sovereign power of the State 
of Louisiana and substituted his will for her law and for her consti- 
tution; and after causing the doors of her Legislature to be closed 
against her representatives, he, in violation of the constitution, 
courtmarshalled one of the members of the Legislature, and when 
the board of officers, selected by himself as the instrument of his 
tyranny, refused to condemn the member to death, he refused to ra- 
tify the sentence and ordered them to re-try him. When Governor 
of Florida, he had thrown the representative of Spain into jail, ift 
violation of the laws of nations; and when a judge of- the United 
States, in the official discharge of his duty, inquired into the ran.-*! 

C 



i i* ) 

"of the committment of the Spanish Govemer, Jackson, alter ft 
towing on him the coarsest abuse, plunged him into a jail also. These 
facts and many others crowded the evidence upon Mr. Clay's mind, 
""that Jackson was, in temper, rash and vindictive, and that, feeling 
power he forgot right. On this view of the two men, I pray you* 
Sir, whom ought Mr. Clay to choose as the President of the United 
States, as the father of millions of freemen? Mr. Clay chose Mr. 
Adams; and let me inquire if he deserted the public interest in so 
doing? This can be ascertafhed only by the fruits of Mr. Adams' 
administration. When Mr. Adams entered upon the duties of hi? 
office, the National and State institutions had but half recovered 
from the shock received from the war; many of our treaties with 
foreign nations had expired or were expiring. Many of the States, 
(and our own was one,) had not freed themselves from the visions of 
relief and paper banks — confidence in all the trading departments 
was much impaired, and the national debt amounted to near one 
hundred millions. Our infant manufactures were struggling for 
existence. Clay and others who voted for Adams, saw the diftkul- 
ties which lay before him, and when the office of Secretary of 
State was pressed upon Clay, every member, in both houses, from 
this State, and many of those of other States urged upon him, that 
as he had voted for Mr. Adams, he owed it to that gentleman and the 
nation, to lay his shoulders to the wheels of the government, and in 
that way meet his full portion of the highly responsible duties of 
the executive. Here, as when he first turned his back on his family 
and fortune, he was governed by those he thought his friends, some 
of whom have paid him for it in the blackest ingratitude. But. 
Sir, while time, that test of truth fib/all roll on, still the astonishing 
fact will be told, that Clay and Adams, and the rest of (he cabinet, 
so managed the executive department, with both branches of the 
Legislature marring and paralljzing them, as to, in the brief space 
of four years, produce the most astonishing and happy effects 
^pon the whole nation. Yes, Sir, they contrived so to manage the 
ioreign relations and domestic concerns, as to restore confidence, in- 
vigarate commerce and give a spring and increase to agriculture, 
mechanics and every branch of labor. With a combination of office 
seekers. British merchants and government peculators, too strong to 
be resisted, distracting and alienating the people—they carried the 
vessel of State through in perfect safety. The army and navy were 
never better trained, paid and conditioned— our flag was every where 
respected and our commerce and rights throughout the world pro- 
tected; ourdrooping manufactories were raised into vigor and life, 
and instead of that ruin that seemed to await them when Mr. 
Adams assumed the government, they were enriching their owners, 
and their products, rivaling England, both in our own and foreign 
markets. When Jackson came into office never did anv people enjoy 
a greater degree of prosperity; in our own State, the average m 



(19) 

^ur only staple, hemp, was double what it was during the precceding- 
administration, and double what it is now. Adorns left the treasury 
overflowing with nearly sis millions of dollars, having paid, in prin- 
cipal and interest of the national debt, about forty-seven millions 
of dollars; and during this brief period, millions were expended to 
increase your navy; yes, Sir, to add to lhat proud navy those seven- 
ty-fours, those emblems of your growing wealth and power, which 
President Jackson finds too expensive to build; he prefers to distri- 
bute the money among his official corps to building seventy-fours 
with it. But even this is not all. Millions were appropriated 
to the improvement of the highways and in opening canals 
and roads. Yes, Sir, more money was, during this administra- 
tion, expended on western Internal Improvement?;, than has 
been expended by all the administrations since the foundation of 
the government. Was ever there a people happier, if peace, com- 
fort and plenty can make man happy — We were happy. I pray God 
we may have the same cause to rejoice, in thanksgiving to the Ruler 
of nations, for four years of like prosperity under General Jackson's 
dynasty. Mr. Speaker, you all know what I say, we were happy, 
we were prosperous; we were troubled with nothing in relation to 
our government, except the falsehoods endorsed, "Free, Tom P* 
Moore, 1 ' or the billingsgate abuse of Amos Kendall. On this view 
of the subject, need I ask you whether you n ally do think Mr. Clay. 
abandoned or advanced the interest of his country in voting for Mr, 
Adams? 

Nor was Mr. Clay's benevolence and that of Mr. Adams confined 
to the wealth, happiness and prosperity of the United States alone. 
When they entered into office, South America was bleeding at every 
poor, and Greece, the land of science and of heroes, was a mere 
slaughterhouse for her sons. Sir, how often has the question been 
asked, what stayed the Holy Alliance from crushing the rebellion of 
Greece and the rebellion of South America against the claims of 
legitimacy? Sir, read Clays letter to Middleton, and there you will 
find the key to this great secret. Clay there unfolds to Alexander 
the mighty emperor of the north, the true path of Russian glory. 
He tells our Minister that Alexander is high in fame as a warrior 
and a statesman, and is as renowned for his benevolence as he is for 
power and wealth, and then points to bleeding Greece and bleeding 
South America, as proper theatre? for his ample benevolence to act 
upon. He tells the minister in substance, that he, Alexander, has 
only to say let there be peace and there will be peace; and that he 
wili then as far excel his cotemporariesin fame for benevolence and 
philanthropy, as he does in the extent of his dominions, and hi? fame 
as a warrior. I do not pretend to give a copy or an outline of this 
document; it is several years since lread it, and I know I cannot give 
its likeness; its equal I have never seen. But I say let those who 
choose, compare dates and mark the events that succeeded the sight 



( 20 ). 

of this tetter by Alexander. The minister was instructed to show 
the letter ta the Emperor and shortly after the receipt of this lettei 
vou will read of Alexander's visiting the extremes of his empire, a 
movement preparatory for war in the Russian history, You hear of 
no more conventions of the Holy Alliance to settle affairs between 
Spain and her colonies; and in due season the convention of London 
is formed and submitted to the grand Sultan, and not long after the 
battle of Navarino broke the fleets of Egypt and Turkey into atoms. 
Alexander fell by poison before he achieved the liberty of Greece, 
and stopl the shedingof blood in South America; but Nicholas has 
followed up the plans of his brother and broken up the power of the 
Turk. 

Mr. Speaker, gentlemen may taunt Mr. Clay with his fall and the 
elevation of his mortal enemy; but may he not look back upon the 
.liberties of Greece and of the South American States; of the four 
years unparralelled prosperity of twelve millions of souls here ; upon 
twenty o"dd years of successful and faithful service for his country. 
May he not look back at his many other mental achievments for his 
country, and looking back upon these things, say to these taunting 
gentlemen, I forgive you, for you know not what you do. Mr. 
Speaker there is some apology for men that attack the strong; they 
risk something; thus the robber is always placed above the sneaking 
thief who does the injury and risks nothing. But to taunt, to revel 
on the feelings of a fallen man, is but one remove from insulting of 
the dead. The strumpet Fulvia glutted her vengeance upon the dead 
Cicero by piercisg the tongue of that great man with her bodkin. 
"When God forsook the man after his own heart, and when this infal- 
lible test, the majority, placed his rebel son on his throne, a wretch 
insulted and assailed David, threw stones at him and called him a 
damned dog; and when the Saviour of the world hung on the cross, 
"bearing our guilt upon his innocent shoulders, his murderers insulted 
him and wagging their heads at their victim, bid him that could 
?avc the world, to now save himself. Let me ask gentlemen not to 
imitate those fiend like examples, by insulting their supposed Stale 
prisoner with jeers and taunts. These gentlemen should, from 
prudence, not doit. The people will not bear long, to see the pow- 
erless insulted. If Mr. Clay is thus fallen and prostrate, beware, 
gentlemen, of your taunts and jeers, least you awaken the highmind- 
ed Kentuekian's sympathy. If it be true that Clay is down and 
that Jackson will keep hirn so; if the whole weight of himself, his 
cabinet, his armyof soldiers, his army of post-masters and pension- 
ers, of ofhec holders and office hunters, sustained by a revenue of 
twenty millions annually', be arrayed against this solitary and power- 
less individual, is not his historv and his life an interesting one? may 
not, ought not that sympathy, that phylanthropv. which sighs for 
great Cato's fall — that weeps over the graves of Hampden and 



( 21 ) 

Sidney, rather to step between this overwhelming, this unrelenting 
power, than to aggravate, than to rejoice at a great man's fall. 

But, Mr. Speaker, I thank God, that my friend, my beloved friend, 
is yet far, far above the tauntingsof his enemies. He can but feel 
them as (he noxious breath of a corrupt and feeble court, of an ad- 
ministration, conscious of its own weakness and corruptions; too 
feeble to stand upon its own merits, is calling to its aid the vam- 
pires of office; and like the tyrant of old, proclaiming universal pro- 
scription against all, who do not fall down and worship at the name 
of the great political idol. As one, Mr. Speaker, 1 am prepared to 
vote for the resolutions, preamble and all, as they passed the House 
of Representatives. I have no doubt, I have never doubted the pow- 
er of Congress to make national roads, and every other national work 
which the national good requires; nor has my confidence in the un- 
bending integrity of Mr. Clay been shaken, by any thing I know 
myself or have heard from the honorable Speaker or other gentle- 
men in this debate. But I am now called on by the gentleman's 
amendment or substitute, not only to express my faith in General 
Jackson's administration, but to pass the highest encomium upon 
him and bis associates in power; to declare that I have confidence 
in the present state of things, that the great interests of labour, to- 
wit: agriculture, manufactures and commerce, will be fully pro- 
tected by General Jackson and his cabinet. This I am unwilling to 
do; and as a justification for my refusing to do so, I beg leave to lay 
before the Senate some of the many reasons which divest my mind 
of all confidence, in both President Jackson and his cabinet. His 
message lies before me ; but before I appeal to that, to prove that he 
has forfeited all claim to the confidence of the American people, in 
his fitness and capacity for the office he holds, I will appeal to facts 
notorious to the whole American people. The first one is, that he 
entered upou his office at a time of the greatest national prosperity; 
when his predecessor had restored the confidence of the American 
people in all the national institutions; when the national credit was 
at its highest possible point. He found in the treasury nearly six 
millions of dollars unappropriated, after every demand had been 
met. In four years, about forty-seven millions of the national debt 
bad been paid off, and millions had been appropriated to improve the 
highways and navigable streams of the country. He found the ar- 
my, navy and every branch of the Executive department, in the best 
possible condition; equally prosperous was the condition of the 
states and the citizens thereof. The navy and the collecting officers 
had utterly extirpated smuggling, while in the brief space of four 
years, Adams and his cabinet had double the manufactories of the 
nation. In fine, had given spring to every branqh of industry, from 
the capitol to the extremes of the empire. In all the States the 
circulating medium was pure, and equal to the demands of labour j 
and in «om^ of the State.? the banks and money lenders had to reduce 



( 22 > 

the interest on money, below the statute rates, to find borrowers; so. 
abundant was capital and so great was the confidence of the people, 
•when Jackson entered upon his Presidential career. And sir, he has 
been at work not quite one short year, and what is the face of ev- 
ery thing within the blasting influence of his administration. 
From Maine to New Orleans there is but one universal sensation, 
and that is of alarm. No man has, or ought to have confidence in 
the present state of things, is the reply of every capitalist, is the de- 
cision of every prudent man. While Adams and the abused Clay 
were in power, the very friends of Jackson felt a confidence they 
are now strangers to. I do not mean sir, his office seeking, his office 
rinding friends, but such friends as were cheated into a belief that he 
was competent to, and deserving of the office; some such as now 
hear me, sir, during the four years of Mr. Adam's administration. 
The only staple your country has, hemp, bore an average of six cents 
per pound; General Jackson lias brought it down to three cents per 
pound. He has brought it down sir, to a price that will not pay for 
the raising of it. Suppose, sir, you were to calculate the average 
profits upon the growth and manufacture of hemp m Kentucky in 
Mr. Adam's administration, and that since General Jackson has been 
your President, ll you were, you would soon see why it is that no 
confidence can be, or is placed, by those engaged in this department 
of labour, in General Jackson or his cabinet. Nay, sir, you will in 
this way find out why it is that there is a distress already complained 
of, by the great body of the people north of the Kentucky, to which 
they were strangers during the administration cf Mr. Adams. Six 
cents on the pound, gave the agriculturalist a reasonable profit; three 
cents gives him no profit, but a loss. The southern markets gave 
the manufacturer a fair profit; but since Jackson and his cabinet has 
failed to execute the laws against smuggling, the manufacturer can- 
not sell his rope and bagging at a profit. The consequence therefore 
is, that both the farmer and manufacturer, by pursuing the business, 
unprotected as they are by Jackson's government, can only bring 
poverty and ruin upon themselves; and many have, and all must, in. 
time, quit the growth and manufacture of hemp, unless a change in 
the administration is effected. Sir, the change of the administra- 
tion has, in the article of hemp alone, cost the people of Kentucky, 
at the rate of half a million of dollars annually. And yet you call 
upon the representatives of hemp growers, to sound his praises forth 
to the American people. Sir, we have other evidences in our State 
of the blighting influence of Jackson's administration — we have it 
written in the decay of our towns and manufactures, in the ruin 
and emigration of our mechanics. In the town of Lexington, man- 
ufacturing enriched the manufacturer, as well as multiplied more 
than two hundred fold during the administration of Adams; all the 
mechanics were enabled to live; each year called forth mechanical 
lahonr to build op new factories. But Jackson's administration has 



(23) 

struck the manufacturing interest and the hopes of the mechanic, 
a death's blow. Instead of the happy thrift and piosperity that was 
witnessed there, twelve months since,all is consternation and doubt, 
and many of the most valuable mechanics have emigrated. Yes, 
sir, they emigrate in quest of labour; but they must leave these 
United States, if they expect to escape the universal wither which 
General Jackson has brought upon the nation. They may as well 
attempt to escape death itself, as to escape the blighting influence of 
his administration. The cause is systematic, it has its foundation in 
the very principles of Jackson's administration— principles which 
starve labour, to teed office hunting. If this is the condition of 
things in our own State, what State or Territory within the malig- 
nant policy of the administration is in a better condition; is it the 
southern or cotton growing States (that were promised so much when 
the hero should succeed) that has been benefitted? No, sir, if we 
can believe their orators, their condition is altogether insufferable; 
is it the old dominion or the middle States that have drawn the 
prize and left us nothing but blanks in this political lottery? no sir, 
no. At this moment Virginia is blazing with mental heat and ani- 
mosity that may consume her peace, but can never fertalize hei 
wasted fields. And Pennsylvania, that strong hold of Jacksonisrn, 
what has she gained by this victory of the hero over his political en- 
emies? nothing but the ruin of her manufacturers and the loss of 
her credit. Why is it sir, that Pennsylvania — the great State of 
Pennsylvania, with her Dutch Governor, with all his Dutch cour- 
age, cant borrow money from the Pennsylvania Dutchman, to carry 
on her works of Internal Improvement, but has had to suspend them 
for the want of means since General Jackson has come into office? 
because Jacksonism has destroyed all confidence there, too, except 
among the political gamblers of Pennsylvania, is it the east that 
has caught the boon promised? Oh no, the Yankee has caught a 
tartar. No. sir, never si nee theembargo, has he met with any thing 
like Jackson. If we believe the prints, never within the memory of 
man was there greater distress in the money market — never a grea- 
ter want of confidence than now reigns in Boston* Money that was 
two years since so abundant, that it was a dreg at five per cent in 
Boston, we are told, is now so scarce that it cant be had to meet the 
pressing calls of the distressed merchant or manufacturer, at any 
rate of interest; and these manufacturers the most flourishing por- 
tions of theircitizens during Adams' administration, have had what 
was left them by the incendiaries of British smugglers, swept from 
them by the perfidy of the administration. I said sir, what was left 
by the incendiaries of smugglers. You know that during the years 
1828 and 29, that factories to the amount of four hundred thousand 
dollars, within less than one hundred and fifty miles of Boston, were 
burnt by incendiaries to make way for British manufactures so soon 
as Jackson should come into office; yet these enterprising nnrt irr 



s 



i -^ , 

jurod citizens, wno staked their all on the iatth of government, ara. 
in distress, despondence and disfavour, while the smugglers and 
British factors command the markets of the emporium of the East 
Perhaps, sir, I may be pointed to that great and growing city, New 
York, as an evidence of the blessed effects of the present adminis- 
tration upon capital and confidence. Is it so? Mr. Speaker, not many 
years since, I remember to have seen an account thnt that city wan- 
ted to borrow nine hundred thousand dollars; that the books were 
opened but a few hours; but such was the crowd of money lenders, 
that when the books closed, more than a million and a half was sub- 
scribed, and the great distress. and difficulty of the corporation, was 
how to scale the loans, as none of the lenders were willing to with- 
draw. Now, sir, since that State baa become Jacksonized or Van 
Burenized, how do matters stand. Why, sir, the whole Stale cant 
raise a capital, for a State or Jackson bank. The city papers from 
that quarter say, that the books for the great Slate Bank, had stood 
open for subscribers for several days in the city; but that the loan 
had failed, only a few thousand dollars being subscribed. 

I have thus, Mr. Speaker, cited you to every point of our vast con- 
federacy, and shown you the fruits of Jaeksonism. It is the same 
every where, except among smugglers and office mongers. There 
is but one universal want of confidence; and, sir, before twelve 
months more roll around, there will be one universal distress among 
all the departments of labour. You ask me how has Jackson 
brought about this change, so adverse to the general good. I an- 
swer, by a failure to execute the Tariff; by a failure to call to his aid 
in the administration, the good and wise of the nation; by throwing 
the administration into the hands of incompetent, vindictive and re- 
vengeful men; by using his office to reward his friends and to pun- 
ish his enemies; by these means and more to be mentioned, he has 
destroyed all confidence. It was the same course that Desha and his 
party took which destroyed all confidence here, that he pursues, 
that is destroying all confidence in the nation. He is not only pur- 
suing the^ame policy that Desha pursued, of time tinkering, consti- 
tution mendii.gand Judge breaking; but some of Desha's time tin- 
kers and Judge breakers, are his privy counsellors. What then can 
follow, but the same want of confidence, general confusion and dis- 
tress on a larger scale, that we felt during the unfortunate adminis- 
tration of General Desha? Like causes produce like effects; and the 
same men that brought Kentucky to ruin, will bring this great na- 
tion to it, unless they are checked by the nation as thev were by the 
people of Kentucky. I have made this remark, predicated upon 
the exterior complexion and avowed priaciples of Jackson's admin- 
istration; that is, to reward his friends and punish his enemies; to 
use the whole resources of the nation to gratify, to pamper friends 
and to call into action all the hellish passions of malice and revenge, 
lohuut down and punish his enemies.' While General Jackson va? 



( 25) 

striving for the office of President, the American people were warn- 
ed against this temper of his mind. They were warned of his con* 
nexion with Burr, and his numerous violations and disregards of 
constitutional restrictions. From Maine to New-Orleans, '.he peo- 
ple were warned that their constitution was in danger — that the in- 
dependence of the judiciary was in danger — that the revenue laws 
wcjld be repealed or not executed, should Jackson bo elected. All 
these charges and anticipations were stoutly denied bv his friends, 
and sef down to the malice oi h s accusers. Let us enquire how far 
he has justified the prophecies of his enemies. It will be borne in 
mind that the United States were divided upon the subject of the 
Tariff laws of 1 824 and 7. particularly the latter act. The minority 
against those acts, were both menacing and uncompromising, while 
the majority believed them essential to the independence of the 
American people as well as theirhappiness — that during his struggle 
for the Presidency, he observed an orracular language respecting 
both interests. To the TarifFStates he was a Tariff man, and to the 
Anti-Tariff States, he was Anti-Tariff. JCach party of his friends 
read him to their side of the -question. That his feelings were op- 
posed to the tariff, I neverdoubted ; but I knew he would not, he dare 
not come out against it; that the only course left him would be to 
deceive the tariff States, by allowing the anti-tariff interests to have 
all the benefit of a total repeal, without such repeal being, at his re- 
commendation, or appearing on the statute book. The British fac- 
tors, who contributed largely to the funds to secure the President 
his triumph, well understood this dilemma, and saw the road bv 
which the President would attempt to extricate himself. Smuggling 
had been but a poor trade, while such men as Southard commanded 
the navy, and such men as Thompson and Dearborn were heads of 
the customs. During the administration of Mr. Adams the revenue 
cutters were not only kept continually on the alert, so as to inter- 
cept all smuggling upon the coasts, but the utmost exertions 
were used that could be, by the Custom house officers, to suppress 
and detect iton land. The effectof this vigilance was, not only to fill 
the treasury to overflowing, Jjut to protect and foster the manufac- 
turers, to the full extent of the laws made for their benefit. But as 
the prospects of Jacksons election brightened, it became obvious that 
the smuggling interests grew with the combination and strengthened 
with its strength. 

During the summer 1828, in most of the seaports, vessels for 
smuggling were notoriously put upon the stocks in our own ports 
as well as in Canada, while all along our borders, the British and 
American smugglers erected ware-houses and filled them with mer- 
chandize, ready for smuggling. This latter fact was ascertained by 
General Porter, who,I believe,ordered the military to sustain the Ciif- 
totn-house officers in that quarter, in their efforts to suppress smugg- 
ling. All this was well known to both Jackson and his cabinet; for 

D 



( 2fc ) 

his friends had drawn from General Porter, by an attempt to incul- 
pate his conduct ns Secretary at war, all the information they could 
need, to prepare them against the contemplated smuggling, as soon 
as Adams should be evicted from oflice. Jackson and his cabinet 
also knew, that New-York and Boston were not only the feeders of 
the treasury, but points that required to be well guarded, against 
the machinations of the emmissaries of the British to introduce 
goods duty free. At New- York, nearly ten millions of the customs 
were received annuallv, and at Boston nearly half that amount. In 
New- York he found Mr. Thompson, his political friend, but a highly 
honorable man, in the office of collector of the Customs, one whose 
capacity had been proven and well tried; and the custums under 
the strictest watch and vigilence. No exception could be taken to 
Thompson. Adams knew he was opposed to his administration. 
Many had in vain attempted to make him discharge that worthy 
officer, and to prefer the claims of personal and political friends. 
His Secretary, Rush, informed him, however, that no man was more 
faithful and competent than Thompson; and Adams disdained to let 
his private interests and friendships prevail over the public good. 
But the hero of two wars comes into power; and how does he act : 
at this important point and at this important period, did he continue 
this honorable and faithful public officer, this political friend? Did 
he let the public interests triumph over his private friendships and 
minister obligations, as his predecessor did? No, Sir, his friend, his 
beloved friend, the aid and the beloved friend of Aaron Burr, the 
man that bore the letter in cypher from that modern Calaline to 
Wilkinson, must be provided for, out of the game run down in the poli- 
tical hunt, and this right bower of Burr, in his attempt- to deluge 
the western country in blood and tears, is made collector; and 
Major Noah, the blackguard, self-styled Judge of Israel, surveyor 
of the port of New- York; the one, Swartwort, at an income of 
from eight to ten thousand dollars annually, and the other at a sala- 
ry of three thousand. One of these gentlemen, since his expedi- 
tion under Colonel Burr, and his trial for it, has cut but little figure 
before the American people; and whether he was drawn out by 
the chieftain from a garret or a cellar in New-York^ none of his 
friends have been able to answer me — of the other the public 
has had more recent information. He is the same Mordeica Noah 
that published himself Judge of Israel, and built up the city of 
Arrarat; the same gentleyian that has figured in all the filth and 
plough, of slander and detraction in the city of New- York; the dirty 
editor of a filthy newspaper. These arc the two worthies, Honest 
Jackson men. to whom the collection of ten millions ot your revenue 
is committed. How was it in Boston when Jackson went into 
office? He found the Customs under the control of General Dear- 
borne, a patriot and the son of a patriot; a man of tried integrity 
ind approved capacity, and a man against whom the breath of ma!- 



(27 ;, 

:ce had scarcely dared to breathe. But the purity of this gentle- 
man's character, his fitness for the office and the public good, formed 
no barrier in the work of the destroyer; he too was removed to make 
way for one of the President's favorites. I think they call the 
man who succeeded him, Henshaw. Of Henshaw J never heard until 
1 saw his appointment, and on inquiring of a distinguished citizen 
of Boston who he was, and what it was that endeared him to the 
President, he inform«d me, that he was a dirty grocer; who, by deal- 
ing with the tenants of brothels and sailors, in salt, cod-fish, salmon, 
taffey brandy and molasses, had accumulated some money; but not 
being countenanced by the respectable dealers of the city, had, in 
partnership with a client lacking lawyer, set up a libellious news- 
paper; the lawyer acting'or playing editor and the grocer the owner 
of the press, from which they issued their weekly billingsgate abuse 
against all that was decent in the city; that when the hero was first 
brought forward, the grocer and his man, like Mordeica JSoah, made 
very free with his character and pretensions — But that after the 
combination against Adams was formed, and it was understood thai 
the British factors and others had raised a fund of $50,000 to elect 
Jackson, the grocer and his man friday went ovcr,and not only distin- 
guished themselves in publishing all the ordinary slanders and abuse 
against the late President, but claimed the proud eminence of hav- 
ing invented and published a gross falsehood and slander upon the 
President's lady and- family. For thus distinguishing himself above 
all the General's friends in Boston, this contemptible libeller has 
been made the collector of the Customs in Boston, at an income of 
nearly eight thousand dollars, and his partner in slander, I believe, 
made the Post-Master, at an income of about five thousands So stands 
your affairs, my Jackson friends, in New-York and Boston. And is 
it true that you have made all this stir — that you have permitted 
the office seekers to call you Jackson men, to class you Jackson 
stock; have you persecuted and proscribed your friends, broke up 
your old friendships, private and political, to place a Burrite and a 
grocer into the receipts of the Customs of New- York and Boston? 
But is this all? Look to the whole sea-board, from Washington City 
to the St. Lawrence, where he has made one fell sweep of the Cus- 
tom House officers. If one remain, I do not know whom'it is, that; 
voted against him. Well, Sir, I have already stated that Jackson 
was well apprised of the efforts making to supply the markets with 
smuggled goods, with the two fold object of profit and to break 
down our infant manufactures. I have given two instances of his 
changes of the collectors of Customs, and could give the like history 
almost in every change he has made, where he has removed the 
friends of Adams and put in his own; but time will not allow. You 
will, therefore, take as a fair sample, the Burrite and the grocer. 
The next high officer, upon whose vigilance much depends to check 
frauds upon the revenue, is the Secretnrv of the Navy. With the 



(. ?8 ) 

two thousand miles we have of sea board, and the great extent that 
many of our rivers are navigable, the greatest zeal should be man- 
ifested in the Navy to check smuggling; and this can only be dis- 
played by the Secretary's keeping constantly employed, a sufficient 
number of revenue cutters to intercept the smugglers in passing 
from the land to the ships engaged in the smuggling trade. Expe- 
rience as wall as seal r was also demanded, at the crisis of Jackson's 
forming his Cabinet. And how did this sincere friend to our infant 
manufactures and the tariff, secure this zeal and this experience? 
Did he select for the head of the Navy, a man friendly to the tariff 
or a man of experience? Neither, Sir. No one is, I presume, ig- 
norant of the fact, that Mr. Branch belongs to the class of Southern 
politicians, the most violent against the tariff; a party that denounces 
jt as both impolitic and unconstitutional; and that he, the said Sec- 
retary, is the most violent of the violent. How, you will then nat- 
urally ask, can a man like Mr. Branch serve a party that believes 
the law to be unconstitutional? How can he please that party and 
execute a law that he and his party declare to be unconstitutional? 
Sir, I answer, to let the smugglers smuggle; this will please his 
party and relieve his chief. South Carolina, Georgia and the other 
anti-tariff States, object to the tariff, that it makes British goods too 
high if the duty be paid. They consider the tax on cloths, on hemp 
and hemp bagging, as a tax on them. By smuggling they are 
relieved from the obnoxious tariff of 1827, and of all tariffs. 
Hence it is, Sir, that your hemp, that in the administration of Mr. 
Adams hroughtyou six cents per pound, now bringsyou but three ; and 
hence it is, that hemp bagging that brought twenty-five cents the 
square yard, now sells at eighteen cents the vardinsouthern markets. 
If this dees not seal your iips, Sir, as to your only staple and the influ- 
ence of General Jackson's administration upon the prospects of 
Kentucky, look to the fact that Boston alone has sent into the St. 
Petersburg and Riga trade this year, forty-three vessels. Had 
Mr. Adams been elected much of this capital would have been di- 
rected to the hemp and' flax growing districts of America; and 
the growing, preparing and manufacture of these important staples, 
hemp and flax, would have had the aid of Yankee skill and Yan- 
kee capital. I am here called on for the proof, that smuggling is 
carried on to a greater extent than it was during the administration 
of Mr. Adams, or that it is carried on to any extent at all. Sir, will 
not the facts that our staple will not sell; that our manufacturers 
are now ruined, prove nothing? If not, will you take General Jack- 
son's own statements, and that of his Secretary? Worse, Sir, take 
the testimony your own neighbors, your own eyes furnish. Some 
of you are merchants; 1 ask you what is your testimony? What is 
the testimony of every other merchant who have visited our seaports * 
Why, that the United States are laterally inundated with British 
merchandizes — that there never has been such fan influx of them 



( 2& ) 

since 1817. The tariff of 1827 has full operation on the goods im- 
ported since President Jackson's new litter of revenue officers have 
been installed. That tariff, if fairly executed, will give arise upon 
the revenue as collected in 1828. of from ten to fifteen per cent, 
and if the importation of 1829 have exceeded that of 1828, as they 
most obviously have, the customs would rise in equal proportion to 
the increased quantity imported. I have not before me the quar- 
terly estimate of Mr. Rush, but I have the aggregate, of the reven- 
ue from President Jackson's Secretary, Ingham, for the year 1828., 
and that 1 know corresponds very nearly with the estimate of Mr. 
Rush. I have also Mr. Ingham's for 1829. Mr. Ingham states the 
entire revenue from Customs in the year 1828 at $23,205,523 64. 
He states the revenue from Customs, for the three first quarters of 
the year 1829 at #17,770,744 59; that the entire receipts for Cus- 
toms from every source tor the fourth quarter of the year 1 829, will 
be #5,165,000, take #165,000 from the last estimate, for bank divi- 
dends, sale of public lands, &c. and they will exceed that sum, and 
how stands the entire receipt from the Customs for the year 1829? 
It wili be #22,770,744 59, which falls short of the revenue of 1828 
#434,778 05; a very good capital for a Boston grocer, and a sound 
price to pay for a Burrite. And this falling off of (he revenue 
takes place at a time when the United States is deluged with Brit- 
ish goods, and when a rise on the tariff ought to have made the re- 
venue (if there were not more goods imported in 1 829, than in 1 828,) 
amount on the Customs to at least #25,000.000. What, Mr. Speak- 
er, has become of this revenue? The answer is, that these new offi- 
cers have either defrauded the government themselves or permitted 
the smugglers to do it. Sir, what has been and must ever be the 
effect of this smuggling? The ruin of the regular and honest mer- 
chant and manufacturer; and that ruin is already visibly progress- 
ing. Our manufacturers are not in the situation of those of Eng- 
land who have been accumulatingcapital for generations; they have 
but just commenced operations, and many of them debtors to the 
banks for the capital that built their factories. In this situation 
they are compelled to sell as low as the smuggler let him sell as low 
as he will. Hence it is, Sir, that in New-York and Boston, these 
valuable and enterprising citizens are at this moment sacrificing 
their goods under the auction hammer. The regular merchant is 
also thrown in the shade or compelled to come to auction with his 
goods: so that although the manufacturer is the first victim, the 
second victim, the honest fair dealer, will soon follow him in the 
road to ruin. And this is the administration I am called upon to 
express my confidence in. Can I have confidence that President 
Jackson, now that he is elected, will protect the growth and manu- 
facture of hemp in Kentucky, when he voted to strike off the whole 
duty on bagging and against the two and a quarter cents on foreign 
hemp, when he was canvassing for the Presidency ? Can I believe 



( so ) 

"that he is sincere in his support of the tariff, when from the SecMS' 
tary of the Navy down to the draymen employed in the revenue, 
they are obliged to bow to the party opposed to the tariff or loose 
their places? No, Sir, you that have faith may live by faith in this 
administration; /or me and my constituents, we require something 
more substantial for our labor, than faith in the powers that be. 
While I am on the subject of this retrenching and economical ad- 
ministration, I can but notice another little fact. Mr. Adams, after 
paying $12,163,438 07, and every other claim on the treasury ifi 
1828, left in the treasury on the 1st day of January, 1829, $5,972,- 
435 81 ; whereas Jackson leaves in the treasury on the 1st day of 
January, 1830, only §4,4 10,071 69, being $1,562,454 12 less than 
.Adams left in the treasury. Adams expended in the year 1828, 
325,485,313 90; whereas this retrenching President, Jackson, for 
the year 1829, expends $26,164,594 10: that is, this money saving 
Jackson has expended in the year 1829, with his reforms and re- 
trenchments,- $679,281 20 more than Adams did in the year 1828. 
This, Mr. Speaker, is a pretty good price, is it not, we pay for a mo- 
ney saving President? But this is not all, Sir; your President has 
spent, in the year 1 829, $ 1 ,562,364 1 2 more than the whole amount 
of revenue received in that year. Now, Sir, here is Secretary 
Ingham, letter and figure, for these statements; he is Jackson's 
Secretary; here it is, Sir, in your 07vn book, Mr. Speaker, the said 
Secretary's report. Pray, Sir, ought not we who you have been 
promising so much retrenchment and reform, to have great confi- 
dence in your promises. But will you, Mr. Speaker, explain one 
thing to me? How could your President, with this report of his 
own Secretary lying before him, say to the American people as he 
has said, that the revenue had sustained itself under the tariff or 
under his administration, when that report showed a deficit of 
nearly five hundred thousand dollars; and when the expenses of his 
years administration had exceeded the whole receipts of every kind, 
including customs, bank stock and every species of revenue nearly 
one million six hundred thousand dollars. Sir, Adams, before 
the taxes were raised to what they are on foreign commerce, ex- 
peuded millions on Internal Improvements, and nearly built a seven- 
ty-four annually, to add to our proud navy; but your money saving 
Jackson has found out that it is unconstitutional to make roads and 
canals with the public money, and that it is too expensive to build 
seventy-fours. He advises in this message, so much lauded, that we 
save that expense. He has other uses for the revenue. 

I will now, Sir, redeem my pledge to attend to this message be- 
fore I resumed my seat. This message was, no doubt, written for 
effect, and I think I see very plainly, the finger of President makers 
and would be Presidents in it. The first people catching stroke is 
a proposition to amend the constitution by abolishing the electoral 
colleges,, and instead of having an elective Federal President, to 



t SI") 

substitute an elective monarchy. Dont startle, Mr. Speaker, at the 
word monarchy, for I will prove what I say before I am done. I pay 
that the proposed change of President Jackson tends directly to con- 
solidation and to monarchy, although he has guarded his project with 
restrictions and reserves in favor of small States. What is his ob- 
ject? Why that the people shall elect the President. Ah! but this 
startles the little States and breaks down the federative principle of 
government. But here he stops short and tells us that although the 
people ought to elect the President, yet that the weight of each 
man's vote shall depend on the spot where he votes, thatis, that one 
vote in Rhode-Island or Delaware, shall be equal to twelve votes in 
the States of New- York or Pennsylvania. But I would like to know 
what he intends doing with the negro population; are they to vote 
or are the slave holding States to release their negro weight in this 
new government? And I would ask your grave counsel, what he in- 
tends to do with the Indians that he and the States of Georgia, Ala- 
bama and Mississippi have made citizens of the United States; are 
the Chicamogas, the Cherokecs and Choctaws to vote man for man 
with us, or how is this settled? When his excellency and Missouri, 
or the State to be formed north west of Missouri, shall metamor- 
phose the Sioux, Sacs, Foxes, Osages and Black feet tribes, with 
numerous others, into citizens of the United States, are tbey, man 
for man, to vote against the freemen of the old United States? Do 
you gravely think, Sir, thai the Yankees will stand their ground in 
his new government, against his negro and Indian subjects? Do you 
believe that New-York and the old dominion will long submit to 
give twelve votes for one to the little States? No, Sir, if you dream 
that they will, you are greatly misled. All history proves that no 
military chieftain, with a majority at his heels, yielded the crown 
to a minority. He would have high authority, Sir; he would 
have John Rowan and the judge breaking Legislature of 1824, as 
authority to prove that minorities had no rights. Do you really 
think, Sir, that a military chieftain, that had spirit enough to sub- 
vert the powers of a sovereign State, and to expel and court-mar- 
shall the members of her Legislature, with six thousand soldiers at 
his heels, would be checked in his march to Washington with New- 
York at his back, by little Delaware? No, Sir, with the vote of 
New- York he would soon silence the petty States and take up his 
quarters in the palace. But your President has presented us with 
another amendment to the constitution, equally people catching. 
It is, that the constitution be so amended as to raise a fund to be 
annually divided out to the States. This part of his excellency's 
message has been penned, no doubt, with the two fold object of 
avoiding the clamor of the anti-improvement party and of deceiving 
the friends to Internal Improvements. In fine, it is for the President 
a device to avoid responsibility — to avoid the expenditure of the 
surplus funds of the treasury, for the benevolent and innocent pin 



( 3*) 

pose of opening and regulating the commerce of the several States* 
Your President is contented to save you from the expense of build- 
ing seventy-fours and of making national roads for national purpo- 
ses. He has too much use for money to distribute among his retain- 
ers, who have led the van in this great victory over his now pros- 
trate and powerless adversaries, roe the minority. But, Sir, like all 
and each of his other schemes with the public funds, it is a buying 
up one. The President has learnt one truism, if no other, in poli- 
tics; that is, that money is power — he has tried its influence upon 
men and found it efficatious. But its influence upon States will be 
indispensable to completely achieve all the other work his adminis- 
tration is catting out for the American people. Was there ever a 
more evident and palpable overture made to a people, to sell their 
State Sovereignties, than this message holds out? What is it? Why 
that instead of the nation making its own roads for the purposes of 
war, the regulation of commerce between the States and the Post- 
Office department, that the national government shall subsidize the 
States to do it. That is, for the purposes of enabling the States to 
make, not national roads but State roads, and other Slate improve- 
ments, each State shall annually draw so much from the public 
treasury, to be appropriated to such purposes as the States may 
choose to denominate Internal Improvements; or, in other words, 
that the national government shall collect taxes from the people of 
the States, and then the States, after having their debits and credits 
settled with the national government, draw in. proportion to their re- 
presentative strength. One government is to raise the taxes and 
;he other lay them out. What a sovereignty your State will have 
when this is her condition, Mr. Speaker? Instead of the people 
looking to and relying upon the State government for highways, 
bridges, court houses, canals and rail roads for State purposes, 
your President proposes that the Federal Constitution shall be 
so amended as to make both the people and the states dependent on 
the Federal Treasury for their entire system of Internal Improve- 
ments. Sir, you may tell me, I carry the President's amendment too 
far. Not at all, Sir. So amend your national Con -ti tut ion, and I say 
it's effect will be to reduce the States to a lower condition than pet- 
ty corporations; for your semi-corporations, your county towns keep 
the tax laying and tax gathering business and the paying out in 
their own hands. Ours are governments dependent upon public 
sentiment. What must be public sentiment, what the estimate of and 
concerning our State Sovereignties, when they meanly draw the 
monies with which they build even court houses, jails or churches, 
from the Federal Treasury? Can a State, in such an attitude, 
be said to be owner of her public buildnigs, much less ot her 
high ways? He that pays, in equity, always owns, unless he pays for 
a pauper. And you, sir, and your President must intend by this 
measure to make the^tatcs paupers, or that, they shall own nothing. 



(33) 

THishouse we set in is the property of the state, paid for by her 
with money raised by a tax on her citizens. It is her own and their 
exclusive property. Not an individual, however humble, that does 
not, when he views and admires its 6plendor and usefulness, feel that 
he, himself, is the owner of it, and proud that his state owns it. 
But suppose the money that erected it were sent us by Burr's aid-dc 
camp from New York, or the grocer of Boston, what would be his 
feelings? what would be your feelings, Senator?, if you performed 
the farce of legislating in a house thus built? And yet, this is the con- 
dition marked out for sovereign States by President Jackson, in his 
proposed amendment to the constitution. Sir, I ask you if it will 
not be, as the gentleman from Nelson, Mr. Hardin, said, reducing 
the states to the attitude of allowanced slaves, who attend weekly 
from the quarter at the great house, for their peck of corn. Tie 
poornegroe raises the corn, but it is cribbed at masters and he must 
go to master's house for his allowance. The people of the states are 
to pay the money into the national treasury by their sweat. The 
dollar is raised as is the negroe's peck of corn; but the dollar is tc 
be locked up in the Federal Treasury. If wanted for any State pur- 
pose it must be sent for. An other view, Sir. How contemptible 
will this new constitution of General Jackson's make the States 
One of the States is a little refractory against the arbitrary meas- 
ure of a President or his Cabinet, he can stop the pension as to 
such State, until she is cured of her contumaciousness; nay to briny 
her to terms he may give it to more loyal States. Sir may we not 
suppose it likely that whenever this pensioning or allowancing 
commences on the part of the General Government, that it will in- 
crease rather than diminish in its modes of appropriation? Recol- 
lect that the President proposes to amend the constitution so as to 
raise a fund to be divided among the states for purposes of interna! 
improvement. The constitution thus amended becomes a fundi- 
mental law of the land, binding through all time. Well, some of 
the states want all their portions and more too, to make canals, bridg 
es, roads, court houses, churches and penitentiaries. The older 
States do not want theirs for that purpose but want them for other pur- 
poses; they want it to releive the people from State taxes. Thev 
find that double taxing and double officering is inconvenient. The- 
new States must have their proportions; and what v. i 1 1 be done 
with the States, that say, they wish to apply the money to the pay- 
ment of governor, legislature and judges; what must then be done ' 
Why, the) must be gratified; and, take my word for it, the moment 
the State's pension list is made out, our State sovereignties vanish: 
and that from the governor to the constable your officers will depend 
upon the national treasury for their salaries. In popular govern- 
ments like our States, it is the natural tendency of things, to avoid 
taxation directly upon the people. Look at Pennsylvania. She 
ba.s shrunk from it, relying upon her sales of bank charters, and loans 

E 



( 34 ) f 

until she has plunge d herself millions in debt. Look at vour own 
condition. As soon as the Bank of Kentucky gave you a dividend, 
so as to g>ve you with the existing taxes a decent revenue, \ou 
struck off, at a single dash, half your taxes and threw the treasury 
upon the Bank dividends; and when that Bank failed, you fell upon 
the capital of the Commonwealth's Bank and on your vacant lai ds 
and your school funds; and though you are yearly sinking more and 
more in debt, you can not bring yourselves up to raise the taxes 
one cent. How convenient would it not be row Sir, if we had an 
allowance of four or five hundred thousand dollars annuallv from 
the federal treasury, for us to ease ourselves of all the noise raised 
against taxing the people, by using that fund as we now use the 
school fund, to pay ourselves with? And Sir, when we, when all 
the departments of the State, when, in fine, the highest and the low- 
est officers- of the States shall depend on such a fund, we will be sov- 
ereign indeed, sovereign and independent of the people, but vassals 
to the national government. And Sir, this is the condition propos- 
ed for the States by this hero of state rights, Andrew Jackson, 
That individual was charged, during the canvass, with holding prin- 
ciples unfriendly to the constitution of the United States. This 
was denied by his friends and his attachment to it avowed by him- 
self; and yet he comes out in his first message, complaining of the 
constitution and proposing radical changes in it; either of which 
would be equal to its annihilation. 

Ou^ht not, then, every man who loves the government, Washing- 
ton and his compatriots formed for us, to withdraw all confidence 
in the professions of Jackson and withhold his faith in his adminis- 
tration? And yet we are called on to express our confidence in him 
that the great interests of the nation are entirely secure under his 
administration! Sir this measure of General Jackson does not come 
forth as the mere phantom of his own mind. It is most evidently a 
general movement of his party. It is the plan of Mr. Speaker, as 
I understand him — more sir; you see that the State of South Caroli- 
aia, whose resolutions we are considering, has, simultaneously, or in 
echo to this message, instructed her representatives to use their influ- 
ence to get the constitution so amended, as to enable congress to 
pension the States. Mr. Speaker is not fearful, no Sir, to use his 
own words, he is not afraid of Federal money; he would like to 
have it, but he is alarmed at the powers claimed for the Federal 
Government by myself and ©ther3. Sir, what are these powers 
that we contend for, that so alarms Mr. Speaker? why, that congress 
Wider the powers expressly granted to declare war, to establish 
post offices and post roads, to regulate commerce with foreign na- 
tions and among the several States and the Indian tribes, may, for 
the purposes above enumerated and no other, make national roads, 
may build light houses, open navigable rivers and improve the bays 
and harbours necessary for commerce : that these improvements are 



( 3S) 

to be made only when the above specified powers are necessarily 
exerted; and this is what we mean, when we say, that eongrtss 
has the power to make national roads for national purposes; and 
it is the exertion of this salutary power that alarms Mr. Speaker 
for state rights; when his nerves are too strong to be shocked by 
a distribution of a few hundred thousand only, and annually, to 
the State, of federal money raised by the federal government from 
the people. 

General Jackson, in his message, denies the power of congress 
to make roads and canals, or to open rivers within the Stages, un- 
der any of the powers of congress specified, and so does the Speak- 
er. Now, Mr. Speaker, let us consider what is to be the condi- 
tion of tnis Union, if the power do not exist? You will perceive 
Sir, that the power to regulate commerce betw r een the States and 
Indian Tribes is conferred in the same section and the precise words 
that the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations is grant 
ed in. There is no power granted to congress to open harbours 
erect buoys or to build light houses to enable them to regulate com- 
merce with foreign naiions.. Yet all this is done without objection. 
But to carry on the intercourse or commerce between the States a 
national road is necessary and cant be dispensed with; and, strange 
to tell, that although the power to regulate commerce between the 
states is given as fully and in the same words that the power to re- 
gulate foreign commerce is, the general government has no right; 
to make such improvement. The safe navigation of the Ohio and 
Mississippi rivers, as well as the other great rivers of our confeder- 
acy, is necessary to the convenient regulation of commerce between 
the States. But according to General Jackson and Mr. Speaker, 
not a rock nor a snag can be removed by the national government. 
Suppose Tennessee should refuse to permit the people of Kentucky 
to drive their hogs, horses or mules over her bridges or along her 
public roads to Alabama, North-Carolina or Virginia. Her roads, 
her bridges are certainly her own, and over them she is sovereign. 
What in that case, I ask you, Mr. Speaker, becomes of the com- 
merce between Kentucky and the states where Tennessee inter- 
venes, if Congress do not possess the power, under the specified 
power to regulate commerce between the states, to open a national 
highway and make it free to the commerce of all the states? Sir, 
you have now before you a resolution from the other house, com- 
plaining that the states and villages on the Ohio and Mississippi 
rivers are injuring our commerce and trampling on our rights, un- 
der pretence of wharfage duties, and requiring our crafts to land 
and lie to, at particular spots, when our citizens are carrying on 
their lawful trade. What is your remedy here, Mr. Speaker? If 
you and your President be right, surely these towns and states, nay ? 
individuals, have power to impose what tolls they please, for the 
use of their public improvements. Sir. Washington and Hamilton 



( 36) 

were not asleep on this point when they formed this national com- 
pact. The remedy is with Congress, to build a wharf and desig- 
nate in such case where the exchanges of labor may take place, 
free from such partial and sinister vexation; this done at national 
expense, becomes common to all the citizens of the United States. 
So, Sir, if a state shall shut up a great navigable stream, passing 
through several states as you are doing by throwing bridges across 
the Ohio, no one state can make the faulty state, at her own ex- 
pense, abate the nuisance. But here interposes an incidental power 
to that of regulating commerce between the states, that can and 
will abate the obstruction. View these subjects, with many others 
connected with our intercourse with other states; and is it possible 
that any real friend to Kentucky will support a President, that in 
the face of the American people and the world, renounces these 
salutary, did I say salutary, these necessary and indispensable pow- 
ers for the general government? without the due exercise of which, 
the states could not, in peace, carry on commerce with each other, 
more than they could under the old confederation; and as the treaty 
making power between the states is granted away, the union would 
prove a curse rather than a blessing. There is another view of 
this subject, to be sure a minor one, that should make Kentucky 
contend for the power. It is, that if Congress does not exercise the 
power, the interior states must be forever taxed to improve the ex- 
tremes, without deriving the same benefits from the national re- 
sources. But the worthy member from Barren, as well as Mr. 
Speaker, fs alarmed at the idea, lest Congress should keep thcir 
public roads in repair by gate tolls. I have already told the mem- 
ber from Barren that he was taxed to his shirt collar to support the 
federal government, and if you and him, Mr. Speaker, wish to be 
taxed higher than the shirt collar for the national treasury, in pre- 
ference to laying the taxes upon those that use the public improve- 
ments of the nation, you can in this, for me, be gratified. One thing, 
Sir, you both ought to know, and that is, that both the money to 
make and repair those public works must be raised in some way 
from the people, and whether it is raised from a gentleman's car- 
riage and four, that uses the road, or a gentleman's breast pinn that 
uses his looking glass, it must be raised; and when the road is made 
and not till then, will I debate with President Jackson or his friends 
here, how it shall be kept in repair. I will not detain the Senate 
to notice the message on the tariff, saving to make a passing remark, 
and that is, that the same duplicity and deception which that dis- 
tinguished individual has ever shown in his public acts and canvass- 
ings about the tariff, is there perceivable. He tells us that it has 
neither done the good promised by its friends, nor the harm threat- 
ened by its enemies. Look at this, Sir, and see what equivocation! 
What is this but saying the tariff is neither good nor bad, neither 
one thing nor another? Why does he not tell why it is not good; 



( 37 ) 

why and where it is not bad? Why does not tie say ic is not gooQ 
because the smugglers have ruined the manufacturers; and why 
does he not say that it is not bad because the states most clamorous 
against it, have goods duty free through smuggling? The President 
should not shrink from his duty, and nothing is more to be repre- 
hended than an attempt at evasion by so high a functionary; and yet; 
you see how President Jackson strives, throughout this whole speech, 
to avoid responsibility. He will not say to South-Carolina and 
Louisiana, the tariff on hemp bagging is not too high, nor will he. 
say to them remove the tax on molasses; nor will he say to little 
Rhode- Island the tariff on cotton and woolen cloths are too high; 
nor dare he say to Louisiana, take the tax off of sugar, or to Penn- 
sylvania take it off of iron; but after hunting out something to say, 
after having said so much about the tariff and said nothing, he espies 
the two articles of tea and coffee; these articles he says have be- 
come almost necessaries, and by way of people catching a little more, 
he advises the duties to be reduced on these articles, until the poor 
can have them as a common necessary; but he takes care again to 
say the duty must be reduced gradually. Now what patriot can 
think that while taxation on foreign commerce is necessary for the 
national government, that the two articles selected shall be ex- 
empted? They arc luxuries, sheer luxuries, foreign luxuries; they 
form the beverage of the rich and monied of the nation. Vet, Sir, 
like his attacks upon the constitution, he moved into the subject 
with something for the good of the people. This is always the road 
to power. Sir, Buonaparte, Cscsar and Cromwell were all men of 
the people. But he w r ants the tax taken off of tea and coffee, that 
the poor may make it a necessary of life. Is this true? Does he 
wish the great body of the people of this nation to depend on the 
ships from Canton for a necessary of life? Are the mothers of the 
hardy sons and daughters of America to raise their children on for- 
eign teas and coffee instead of milk and soups? Can it be, Sir, that 
your President and his advisers seriously think of this? But here the 
President drops the subject by recommending a.revision of the tariff! 
I should like to inquire of the south and of the east, and of the west, 
what each section has out of all this part of the speech. I think 
I read the President. I think he is opposed, deadly hostile to the 
tariff, but that he is afraid to say so, that he thinks that by advising 
a revision of it, that it will be repealed without his popularity fall- 
ing in the tariff states. Indeed, Sir, take his whole speech together 
he puts me in mind of a gentleman I heard of in my county, that 
was very much pestered how to get the votes of the reliefs and anti- 
reliefs during our relief fever. He determined, therefore, to make 
to the people a speech, for a speech both sides demanded; and after 
he had spoken for several hours, descended from the stump and im- 
mediately walked his friend aside to know if he had said any thing, 
for said he, I am determined not to commit mvselfi The. next sub- 



(38) 

ject which addresses it?elf io the consideration of the Senate, is 
that part of the message which relates to the aborigines, the un- 
fortunate, once sovereigns of this land. From the first settlements 
in America to the election of General Jackson, those nations or 
tribes were treated as independent sovereign nations. At the close 
of the revolutionary war, peace was concluded with all the hostile 
tribes as formally as with other nations. Numerous are the treaties 
80 formed with the nations of Indians, in which the faith of this 
nation is pledged to the Indians, to respect their sovereignty and 
rights. Some of these treaties bear the venerated name of the father 
of his country. All the Presidents, (Jackson excepted,) felt them- 
selves bound by their sacred duty, to protect those nations of Indians 
that were within our limits against the oppression of both the states 
and the individuals of states. The right of any state or individual 
of any state, to contract with the Indians, was not only denied, but 
such contracts treated as mere nullities* until Jackson's administra- 
tion. So far from the nation tolerating the absolute power of a 
state, over the life, liberty and prosperity of the Indians, no state 
was held to possess the power to purchase an acre of their soil. It 
often became the delicate duty of the executive of the nation to in- 
terfere between the encroaching and usurping acts of the states and 
the powerless Indians; but it was a duty that every President but 
Jackson had the virtue and courage to perform. Long did Mr. 
Adams interpose his paternal arm between the cupidity of the state 
©J Georgia and the Creek nation. In this controversy a state, a 
powerful state, on whom President Adams depended for a re-elec- 
tion, was on one side and powerless Indians on the other. But jus- 
tice and humanity was on the side of the Indians and that was 
enough for Adams; he did his duty. But no sooner was his rival 
installed than Georgia and Alabama passed laws declaring it highly- 
penal for an Indian to act as a chief in his nation, and extending 
their laws, criminal and civil, over the Indians, and confering the 
rights of citizenship to all the Indians within their respective bounds. 
I have not seen copies of those acts, hut such I learn, is their im- 
port. Against these unwarranted acts of tyranny, against this 
usurpation in violation of the solemn mandates of trie constitution 
of the United States, the Indians appealed to President Jackson to 
execute the treaties entered into betw en them and the United 
States, and to save them from annihilation as nations. Instead of 
executing those treaties and redeeming the pledges of the nation, 
your President told them that they must submit to their fates or 
quit their homes. The plea for this barbarism is more insulting and 
cruel, if possible, than the act itself. It was that these Indians had 
become measurably civilized, had adopted our modes and habits of 
agriculture and of government, and that the constitution of the 
United States prohibited them a separate government within a state. 
The plain English of thisisj that the President tells the Indians, if 



i 39 ) 

you were as destitute as beasts of prey, of government, and had not 
worshiped the same God that we worship, nor used the same imple- 
ments of husbandry, you might have remained among the graves 
of your fathers; but as it is, your fates are hermetrically sealed un- 
less you migrate and forever quit your country; and if you resist 
this decree, your alters will be razed, your hearths smeared with 
the brains and drenched with the blood of your women and chil- 
dren, and your wigwams and council houses burnt to ashes. Who, 
Mr. Speaker, thut reads the wrongs of the Indians of Mexico and 
Peru, that does not execrate the mermidons of Spanish cruelty? 
Who that doubts not the overruling providences of Almighty God, 
that believes his word, that does not see that God avenging upon 
those monsters in human shape, the cruelties practised upon the in- 
nocent though idolatrous worshipers of the sun? Yes, Sir, for centu- 
ries has Spain and Spaniards paid the forfeit of their crimes against 
the laws of humanity. That same bigottry that slaughtered mil- 
lions of unoffending Indians, has brought millions of Spaniards to 
the stake, for religions sake. For her cruelty in the western hemis- 
phere, God has permitted, has allotted her the inquisition, fire and 
faggots; and for centuries deluged her in tears and blood. And shall 
■we, Sir, through a modern Cortes, call down upon our devoted heads 
the just vengance of Heaven, for a crime as black as the blackest 
Cortes or Pizarro ever perpetrated? What was the Spanish plea, 
for the murder of the Indians and the seizure of their property? 
Why, that they were idolaters and spurned the Cross; that it was 
the high commands of Heaven itself to them, the true worshipers, 
to destroy infidels and divide their substance among the followers of 
the Saviour. This was the Spanish plea for denying to the Indians 
of the south the right of existence as nations. This was their jus- 
tification before high Heaven and the world, for their outrages 
against humanity. What, I pray you, is General Jackson's plea for 
like outrages against the Indians of the north? Why, that Washing- 
ton and other Presidents had sent to those Indians the messengers 
of the Saviour, to preach to them Christ and him crucified; 
to spread before them the bread of life; that they had sent 
among them school masters and agriculturalists, to teach them 
letters, science and the arts of husbandmen; that they have sent 
statesmen and philosophers to persuade the Indians to repeal their 
sanguinary laws, and to instruct them in the arts of peace and the 
science of government; that the Indians have accepted the Gospel, 
have elected churches in which they worship the same God that we 
worship; that where once they offered up human victims a sacrifice 
to their false Gods, is now heard the praises of the Redeemer sung; 
that the Gospel is turning savages into christians; and the plow, 
hunters and warriors into civilized husbandmen; and therefore. 
;ays President Jackson, you must migrate; we have taught you 
these things, you have learnt them fr&m as, and therefore we pnnisfa 



< 40 ) 

you with extinction or expulsion. Mr. Speaker, we have the power 
to do this — so had Spain-, hut there is a just God, more power- 
ful than we. When we see the fate of Spain and compare her acts 
with our own, in his presence let us fear and tremble, lest in our 
sped, if not in our day and generation, our nation will be called to 
a dreadful retribution for this act of outrage against all the laws ot 
humanity and the precepts of our holy religion. 

Thus much for the act as it regards the Indians; how does the 
President's conduct quadrate with his professed regard for the con- 
stitution of the United States in this matter? By the constitution, 
the power to declare war, to make peace, and the right to grant 
naturalization, or to make those. citizens who were not born so, is 
exclusively ceded to Congress. And by the 2nd section of the 10th 
article of the constitution, it is provided that no State shall enter 
into any agreement with another State, or with a foreign power, or 
engage in war, unless actually invaded, &c. By the 3rd section of 
the 7th article, it is provided that Congress shall regulate commerce 
among the several Indian tribes. In thf 2nd section of the 4th ar- 
ticle, it is provided that the citizens of each State shall be entitled 
to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 
If Congress alone possess the power to prescribe the laws for na- 
turalization; if this is a fundamental law of this nation; if no 
State is allowed to make a single citizen, I would enquire of Presi- 
dent Jackson, by what authority does he and the States of Georgia 
and Alabama make naturalized citizens of all the Creeks, Seminoles, 
Cherokees and Choctaw Indians? Sir, these Indians become, you 
find, from the constitution, the moment they are citizens of these 
States, entitled to all the privileges of other citizens in every State 
in this Union. And has this President conceded the power to a 
State to incorporate by law, and enforce that law at the point of the 
bayonet, myriads of Indians, and to confer on them all the privileges 
of American citizens? These State? I am told, have actually di- 
rected the census of their Indians to be taken, and are now engaged 
in doing so to meet the next ratio of representation. So that unless 
Jackson is checked by Congress, the whole Indians within the South- 
ern States arc to be represented in Congress. When this is done, 
when one hundred thousand Indian souls have their members in 
Congress from Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Tennessee, will 
he stop there? No, Sir, Missouri, or the States to be formed north 
west of her, can bring their half a million of souls, Osages and 
Black feet Indians; and Indiana and Illinois, their hundred thou- 
sands of Puans, Sac's Foxes, Pottawatemies and Peankshaws to le- 
gislate for us. Do not feel alarmed, Sir. All this is so. It is avowed 
by your President, it is intended by him and those States, to add 
them to the federal strength or to drive them from their homes. I 

IT 1 • 

know you will answer, Jackson only intends to break up the Indian 
tribe?, to rob them o( their lands- for the benefit of those Sf-i'^ 



B*it, Sir, the language of Jackson, is, to the Indian*, leave youV 
homes or submit. His message is, that the States have the right, ami 
that the States will make them parts of the States or drive them away* 
?f you do the one sir, I say you sin against a!l the laivs of humanity; 
and, if you d® the other you destroy the union of the State', and 
prostrate the constitution; from this dilemma you tan never es- 
cape. I will, however, said Mr. Wiekhtfe, pass to another part of 
this message, as it has a remote bearing upon all the other disorgan- 
izirigpririciplesattempted to be noticed heretofore. It is that part of it 
which relates to the Bank of the United States. He tells Congress 
that*'both the constitutionality and expediency of thel.tw creating the 
Bank., are well questioned by a larce portion of our fellow-citizens^ 
and that it must be admitted by all, that it has failed in the greai 
end of establishing -an uniform and sound currency." Under these 
circumstances he recommends a bank founded upon the credit of 
the government and its revenue alone. That is, Mr. Speaker, the 
President means to open a great national loan <]fjice for the benefit 
of his friends. Upon the same principles that we provided by 
our Commonwealth's Bank for our friends in 1820. How President 
Jackson coifld, in the face of facts, before the assembled represent- 
atives of the nation, say '"it must he admitted by all that the Bank of 
the United Slates had failed to give an uniform and sound currency" 
to the nation," I leave for those better skilled in the human heart, 
than I am, to explain. When that Bank went into operation, the. 
whole nation South of the North river, was cursed with spurious 
banks and base paper money. Your treasury was without a dollar, 
with the weight of one hundred millions of debt upon it. A dollar 
in Kentucky was not worth more than forty-eight cents of a dollar 
iti Massachusetts. Exchange between thedifTerent pointsof the con 
tinent, varied from two to (iffy percent, and perhaps more-, where 
ti s_i t now varies only from a quarter to one per cent. And except;, 
few rags, the dregs of your Commonwealth's Lkmk, and some ot 
those of Tennessee and Illinois, there is scarcely a paper dollar in 
circulationnot equal to gold or silver. The national debt is pared 
down to a trifle, and every po c tib]e facility is given by this Bank, to 
the transmission of the money of the government from one point to 
another; and yet yo-Ur President says it must be admitted by all, 
that it has failed in the great end of giving us a sound and uniform 
•currency; and this statement is made in the face of facts known to 
alii Respect to theotlice of President, forbids me to make further 
comment on it. I beg, however, leave to pay some few passing re 
marks upon his great loan office scheme. His plan is, that the 
American people open an office, and that the government loan out 
her credit, and take bonds bearing interest from the borrowers. It is 
in fact your Commonwealth's Sank up and down, and oilers all the 
inducement to peculation and to the cupidity of money shavers and 
bank swindlers, that your Commonwealth's Bank did : but upoji « 

F 



( 42 ) 

much larger scale. Although your hank schemers were met by the 
people in one year, and finally overthrown in three years: yet it 
overthrew the government, before its influence was checked, and 
kept the Court of Appeals for five years struggling for its existence. 
By your bank, you ordy made about twenty thousand debtors 
interested in overturning the government; but if you had been suf- 
fered, unchecked for ten yeirs, to run on with your loan office, you 
would have secured a dead majority of the voters of the State, ica- 
dy to destroy, not only your courts of justice, but to raze every 
restage of the government. And, sir, how long will it take Jackson 
and his ministry, to place live hundred thousand President and Con- 
gress makers of this Union, ready to rub out and begin a^ain? Sir, 
not makers of Congress men and Presidents alone; but Presidents 
and Congressmen too, will dip deep into this loan office scheme. 
And is it likely that when these debtors are law makers — when they 
have the power to cancel their own debts, that they will hesitate to 
do so? Mr. Speaker, it requires no foresight to see what Jackson 
and his partizans moan by this loan office. Money is power. This 
office is to strengthen the Executive arm, to make its influence irre- 
futable, with the power of loaning and managing a capital of one 
hundred millions. What President and his cabinet can be withstood 
by the honest part of the community? Nothing but revolution can 
arid will check any administration with such an engine of power, 
as a national bank or loan office, with its branches and officers; nor 
Is it difficult to perceive how nearly allied in mischief, is this project, 
with those others recommended in this message, in relation to I he 
election of President and the naturalization of the Indians. A na- 
tional debt is said by some to be a national blessing, because every 
creditor cf # the government is interested in supporting it. Not so 
where the government is the creditor. There all the passions of the 
human heart are changed from support to destruction. In the one 
ease, the creditor, by upholding the government, secures his claims 
upon it; in the other case, the debtors to the government, by des- 
troying it, cancel their debts. Suppose the thousand millions of debt 
due by the government of Great Britain to her subjects, were due 
from a majority of those subjects to the government itselr, could the 
iiovernment stand one year? No, Sir, it would shift hands in a day, 
if the Cataline who headed the revolution, would only propose to 
the debtors tocancel their debts. Sir, look to another part of this 
message, and see how the President treats debtors to the public 
treasury, who are President makers? Does he not recommend to 
Congress to cancel their debts. How was it when Congrrss was 
unwise enough to sell public lands on a credit? They tried this only 
a few years, when we find these very debtors in Congress canceling 
their own debts. With five hundred thousand debtors, with all Gen* 
Jackson's Choctaw, Creek, Sioux, Sacs Foxes, Pottawatemies and 
Puan citizens; what fine materials may not some future Aa- 



<43 ) 

,-on Barr, or some of his surviving followers, tired of the dull pur* 
suit of private life, have to overturn this constitution which Presi- 
dent Jackson finds such fault with? Such a candidate for the oflice 
of President, with all these newl v Jacksonized citizens, will not stop 
to count the votes of little Delaware and Rhode-Island; nor will he 
be bulked in his ambition, by an odious house o( representatives, 
voting by such puny things as sovereign States. Do not suppose, 
sir, that these are the mere chimera of a heated brain. They fol- 
low that message, just as certainly as effect follows cause. Only let 
the people act out that message, and I will answer that General 
Jackson or some such mighty hem, will write a constitution with 
the point of his sword. Do you believe sir, that the Yankee will 
consent to stake his vote against Jackson's Indians, as well as the 
South Carolina negro? No. This second pull will be too strong for 
Jonathan. He will either do as his fathers did, emigrate, or de- 
fend his liberties. No other choice will be left him ; and the friends of 
the present confederacy, unless Congress check the President and 
his ministers in their schemes for turning Indians into President ma- 
kers, and opening upon the nation their loan oflice. Of this I will 
not despair. Although Jackson has done much injury, and will yet 
do much, I trust the people will throw into Congress such men as 
will check him and save the constitution, 

Mr. Speaker, I will pass to some minor considerations of this 
message, leaving to the advocates of General Jackson, here and 
elsewhere, to examine impartially his amendments to the constitu- 
tion, his loan office, and his citizen Indians. Sir, I have charged 
General Jackson with being secretly unfriendly to the tariff and 
domestic manufactures. I have endeavored to prove that he is so, 
from facts that I think conclusive; but if all other facts fail, who 
can doubt it after this untimely attack upon the Bank of the United 
States? The manufacturers, it is known, have scarce a hope or 
a staff to lean upon, except this bank, against the oppressions they 
are suffering from the evasions of the tariff by smuggling. The ac- 
commodations at this Bank enable them or some of them, to partial- 
ly bear up against the powerful competition from the British wea- 
vers. Many of them are not only dependant upon the banks for loans 
to keep up their stock on hand of the raw materials, but to pay the 
daily wages of their hands, until a more faithful execution of the tarirlj 
will enable them to again bring their manufactures into market. 
In this situation of the manufacturing interests, six years before the 
charter expires, the President sounds the alarm to the directors of 
the bank and its stockholders, by assuring them that their charter 
will not be renewed — assuring them of his hostility to it, and deter- 
mination to substitute it, with a loan office. What is this sir, but 
driving the bank into calls upon its debtors and refusals to contract 
new loans? And what will such a course on the part of the bank 
do, but complete, for President Jackson, the ruin that he and hi?, cab- 



inet have begun among the manufacturing interests. Sir, after this 
3troke of President Jackson at the manufacturers, it was unneces- 
sary fur him to eulogize the magnanimity of Great Britain in war 
and in peace, as he has done in this message, to obtain the plaudits 
of the British presses — he is sure of them; they understand this 
measure, if the American people do not. To them it is life, to the 
American manufacturer it is death. Nor, sir, will Kentucky escape 
altogether. We have no bank to which our manufacturers, our 
drovers, or exporters of our produce can apply, hut that of the 
United States. Fall and spring, the officers of that bank have 
loaned liberally to those who apply for money for these purposes. 
Jackson knew this. He knows and cares not that we are to suffer 
and severely. too, by this threat of his, ia all cur surplus products 
and manufactures. 

Mr. Speaker, I have charged President Jackson upon the face of 
his message, and from his Secretaries report, with a profligacy and 
profusion of the public treasure, for his friends and favorites, he- 
road all example in our government; and 5 have charged Jiim with 
breathing a spirit of vindictiveness, unworthy the Chief Magistrate 
of a nation. If I have not sustained these charges by the facts I 
have referred to, I pray you to allow me to call your attention to one 
or two more passages in his message. According to an estimate 1 
have seen, and which I deem correct, President Jackson and his 
cabinet have removed, in all, more than live hundred fiscal officers, 
to make way for his friends. He has caused the most rigorous search 
for accusations to be made, and of this whole number, he has been 
able to fix a delinquency but upon two of them, Tobias Watkins 
and Joseph Nourse. Of Watkins" delinquency, there is clear proof, 
end nothing can justify it. Of Nourse's, his books showed it. His 
honesty could not be questioned, even by Ingham himself, who ac- 
knowledged that the true state of Nourse's accounts, as distribute! 
of a contingent fund, appeared from his books. Nourse was Regis- 
ter under Qeneral Washington, had been longer in office perhaps than 
any man in the United States; and ever possessed the fairest charac- 
xer for integrity and industry as an officer: a man of such inotFeu- 
sive manners and befievolence of heart, that in all the violence of 
Democrats and Federalists, he enjoyed the confidence of both par- 
ties; but Congress it seems, threw upon him a new duty, and one 
of great labour and hazard — that is, to distribute a contingent 
ftind, without annexing any addition to his salary. This old tried 
and faithful public servant, performed its duties, as he declares, 
vfhh great losses in the exchanges and payments he made, not 
doubting that he would be allowed what the heads of the treasury 
had allowed to every officer that served and paid out public funds. 
But in order to make Nourse a delinquent, it seems Ingham refused 
to allow him any thing, and wanting his office for one of his crea- 
tures, he removed him, and. in the true Turkish spirit, the cr r\ of 



#5 ) 

Mr. Noarse, who had not handled a dollar, and of course did not 
owe one, was removed from his office also, for the same unworthy 
and unhallowed purpose of paying off the Swiss guards of the Pros- 
ident. Now, Mr. Speaker, is it not a most remarkable fact, that out 
of five hundred fiscal officers employed by Mr. Adams, that there 
lias been found but one guilty delinquent, and one made delinquent 
as I have shewn? Did the like ever happen before, and is it not a 
feet, highly creditable to the moral worth of Mr. Adams' official 
corpse? 1 will not, Mr. Speaker, ascribe to Mr. Adams alone, the 
credit of this state of soundness in the monied concerns of the 
country. The credit is mainly due to the two excellent officers, Craw- 
ford and M'Lean. The rules they adopted, the one for the Treasury 
and the other as head of the Post Office Department, had expelled 
from each department, almost every unsound member. Never did 
si President enter upon office, with a Treasury and Post Office in 
such condition and administered by such officers. And if he had 
asked some man as wise as Talleyrand, (as Louis le desired — did that, 
arch statesman, what changes he should make, replied, to change 
nothing, Buonaparte had left but the sheets upon the beds;) he 
would have been told, do as Adams did, change nothing; and like 
him you will make the nation happy. But the prosperity of the na- 
tion was not the darling of his heart ; that darling was to reward his 
friends and punish his enemies. Many of these officers who have 
been reformed out of office, for these Norman conquerors, have 
served the nation from youth to old age; and the experience of all 
governments prove that the longer a delinquent is in office the grea- 
ter the delinquency. Watkins was a new man, and not a receiver 
or payer of money. His crime was not for not paying over money, 
but in drawing money in assumed names, and by fraudulent drafts, 
which he applied to his own use; but both his defalcation and 
Nourses, as the Jackson prints have it, fall short of twenty thousand 
dollars. 

Now, Sir, after all the hue and cry; after the removal of five 
hundred officers, they have saddled delinquency but upon two men, 
and their delinquency, both together, is less than twenty thousand 
dollars. Suppose the gate, Sir, should be suddenly shut down upon 
this new batch of officers of the heroes; do \ou suppose, Sir, that a 
half a million would cover their delinquencies? If you do, you are 
greatlv mistaken, Sir. 1 think, Sir, you would be likely to catch 
both his Burrite and his grocer, for ten times the delinquency of 
Nourse and Watkins both together. But to cover these shameful 
removals and sacrifices, the President states that he has discovered 
numerous frauds upon the treasury — complains of the leniency of 
the. court, and very strongly insinuates against the integrity of the 
; adi>es who tried his victim, Watkins, because they were less severe 
than the delinquent merited. It is most obvious that the President 
intended, by this message, to iropreis upon the ignorant reader of 



( *« ) 

his message, and he well knew that there would be many such, that' 
those frauds which he calls numerous, applied to numerous individ- 
uals, when he knew that the veriest vampire he had, had never im- 
puted fraud to any unfortunate victim of his power, except Wat- 
kins. But this message was to pass in myriads at public expense, 
and to make its impressions upon the public mind. And thus the 
President deals in generals and indefinite numerous 1 . This part of 
his excellency's message, however, is levelled at his enemies: here 
he breathes revenge; here he magnifies a single case into numerous 
cases; here he calls down vengeance on the incarcerated, suffering 
Watkins and the judges, because his sufferings are not more com- 
plicated and severe. I am not the apologist of Watkins; he is 
guilty of fraud and justly punished; but while I am not his apolo- 
gist, I can but dispise the meanness of the heart that breathes a tri- 
umph in the fall, or magnifies the crime. 

Let us now see how President Jackson calls upon Congress to 
treat his friends and supporters, his guilty friends. We have seen 
what he recommends for his enemies; for them he has no bowels of 
compassion. But how does it happen that his indignation so soon 
vanishes against the public delinquent, when he recommends an 
amendment of the act of Congress, so as to enable him, as Presi- 
dent, to discharge the public debtor from his debt altogether? Here 
lie says, some more liberal policy tban that which now prevails in 
reference to this unfortunate class of citizens, is certainly due tc 
them. Sir, were I to enumerate all the known delinquents among; 
his loudest and ablest supporters, who owe hundreds of thousands 
for public money used, their bare names would be a commentary 
upon this part of the message. Did any man ever use public money 
with intent to use it, to the amount of one hundred thousand dollars, 
intend less than Watkins did, to cheat, to swindle the government, 
and yet, while he is not satisfied with the ruin of this man's family, 
his atoning in close jail for his offences, while poor old Nourse's 
whole estate is sequestrated by Secretary Ingham's warrant, and his 
just and fair claims to set offs rejected, the President is all compas- 
sion for a certain class of debtors. He calls them, this class of unfor- 
tunates. Who compose this class? Ah, there is the rub; they are 
numerous and to a man, as far as I know or believe, they are Gen- 
eral Jackson's fast friends. I could name several, Sir, but I will 
call to your mind one only, one too notorious for the mention of his 
ivime to be considered indelicate here, or an abuse of my privileges; 
it is the President's dear friend, his right hand man, no other than 
the honorable Edward Livingston, now a Senator of the United 
States, and one of the honorables for whom the message was formed. 
Mr. Livingston was long the district attorney of the state of New- 
York, and in that capacity or otherwise, used the public money to' 
the amount of one hundred and three thousand dollars; at least such 
(he public prints state to be the unsatisfied judgment ef the United 



( 47 ) 

Slates against him. Mr. Livingston is not, like Watkins, in jail, nor 
is his property under sequestration like that of poor old Nourse. 
But President Jackson's bowels of compassion are moved towards the 
unfortunate class of which Mr. Livingston is an honorable member, 
and he breaks forth upon Congress, and in the most plaintive 
strains, supplicates the release of this unfortunate class. A twinn 
sister to this recommendation of the President, is the closing of his 
address, in which he, with like pathos, calls upon Congress not to 
forget the just claims of the representatives of Commodore Deca- 
tur, &lc. He modestly, to be sure, tells Congress that in recom- 
mending this claim, he is guilty of a departure from general rules, 
yet still he must press this claim upon them. Why must he do so? 
Does he tell us how he knew any thing of it that all the Presidents 
before him did not know? Does he know any thing of it that each 
and every member of Congress and every man in the nation docs 
not know, that has cither read a newspaper or the history of his 
country? No. Does it belong to him, the head of (he retrenching 
phalanx to urge on or whet the appetite of Congress to vote away 
the public treasury? or is he of opinion that the constitution needs 
amendment, in the article, which gives to the Congress of the United 
States, the power of taxing and appropriating of the taxes? Does 
he think that it would be better, (during his administration at least) 
for the President to judge of claims on the treasury? What is this 
claim or rather no claim which some of the sly ones have raised up 
for Mrs. Decatur? Why, that more than thirty years since, Commo- 
dore Decatur, with some other gallant young Americans, headed a 
party of mariners,and set the public ship, Philadelphia, then aground 
under the fire of the batteries of Tripoli, on fire and burnt her to 
the waters edge. For this act of gallantry Decatur was honored and 
promoted, (as I believe ;) others were, also ; but no man then thought 
our gallant tars were mere mercenaries, that in addition to the regu- 
lar pay, for every act of fighting or bravery, they were to receive a 
reward in money. In thos,eold fashioned times it was thought that 
the bargain between the soldier and the government was, that he, 
the soldier, should get his regular pay, and for that and the honor 
of being a soldier, he was to tight his country's battles. But, Sir. 
tincc, to use Major Noah's language, we have a chief whose mind is 
entirely military, we are not discharged of the claims of the mili- 
tary, when we pay and honor them too; nor will our gratitude be ac- 
cepted in addition to their pay; but we must pack the labor of the 
country to pay our soldiers and.sailois when they dont hVght; and if 
any young, gallant officer, after receiving his regular pay, or an old 
one after receiving pay for his own house rent, and pay for burning 
his ewn fire wood, on his own fire — after living on his farm a consid- 
erable part of the time, shall have draw r n from the treasury upwards 
of forty thousand dollars, for a few brief years service, for all and 
every act of valor displayed in the fac,e of the enemy, the peonl; 



• rt ) 

&re still debtors unto them and their posterity, and for which thte 
treasury is responsible. What a reflection upon great Washington^ 
the elder Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe andJohn Q. Adams', 
that they have let such claims sleep or wake as Congress pleased; 
for I think Congress was Amy Dardened thirty-six years in all, for 
some such claim, without either of their notice; when our present 
Chief Magistrate, whose mind, (as his port surveyor says,) is so en- 
tirely military that he cant let slip the opportunity of pressing Con- 
gress to raise from the grave, this claim tor the representatives of 
Decatur; or rather to raise one for them, although nearly a half cen- 
tury has passed since the service was performed; and when Deca- 
tur and perhaps all then connected with him and his compeers ill 
arms have passed to the grave. Sir, pardon me it I attempt to un- 
fold the hidden misteryof this strange departure of President Jack- 
son, from the conduct of other Presidents, and, as I verily believe* 
in defiance of ihe constitution, in thus mcdling with the business 
and duties of Congress. I have said, Sir, that President Jackson, 
like every other military chief who thinks he has made a conquest, 
deems it a primary duty to reward his friends and punish his ene- 
mies. That he considered the people his servants and their money 
his own. As well as I recollect, I saw a letter or certificate, I do not 
recollect which, going the rounds of the papers friendly to the 
President, during his canvass, signed, Susan Decatur, compliment- 
ing the President and declaring that she heard her husband speak 
in high terms of eulogy of President Jackson, I speak from me- 
mory, Sin, and may err in detail as to this paper; 1 think I did not 
read it through, but threw the paper containing it from me, from a 
deep sense of the degraded condition into which the press b;id sunk ' 
with the canvass for a Presidency, when the letters and certificates 
of ladies were foisted into news papers for the purpose of aiding in 
the canvass. I speak doubting, but I think the paper was addressed 
to General Jackson himself. Do not, Mr. Speaker, understand nae 
as meaning to insinuate aught against the widow of the gallant 
Commodore; she might well write to General Jackson; but who, 
Sir, is responsible for the publication of what she did write; surely 
General Jackson or the person to whom she did write. Sir, in days 
of the ancient republics, military chiefs were compelled to reward 
acts of kindness like these, out of their own funds. The great 
Pompey and others, spent millions in shows, largesses and rewards; 
but our military chief has another mean; he confers oftices, and 
when that source fails, he recommends his friends to the treasury. 
X have thought it due, Mr. Speaker, to say thus much of your re- 
trenching President. 

I beg leave now, Sir, to notice the interrogatory put to me by 
31 r. Speaker, that is, whether I was not in favor of General Jack- 
son in 1024, and why I have changed? Sir, I do not know that I 
*ught to make Mr. Speaker or another, my father confessor, and 



( 49 ) 

under this supposition T have treated, heretofore, all such inquiries 
with neglect at least. But I will now say, Mr. Speaker, that there 
is no truth in the story, that at any time of my life I was in favor of 
making General Jackson President. The contrary is the fact, and 
thateveryone knows, that knowsany thingof myopinionsof thatindt- 
vidual. In the famous session of 1824, I not only voted to lay the 
resolution, relating to him, on the table until the first of June, hue 
then gave iny reasons why we should leave the choice to Congress. 
I then expressed my disapprobation of General Jackson, and my 
fears that he would put his friends, indiscriminately, upon the trea- 
sury, and pursue his enemies with revengeful feelings; I admitted 
that he had claims upon the nation as a military man, for then I 
was ignorant of most of his arbitrary and tyrannical acts, which have 
been brought to light and established beyond the possibility oi 
doubt. I was opposed to Mr. Adams, and therefore as 1 saw Con- 
gress would have to decide between Jackson and Adams, I was 
desirous to avoid voting on the question. The resolution only stated 
that Jackson was, in the opinion of the Legislature, the jsecond 
choice of the people of this state. Of this 1 had no doubt, for both 
Mr. Adams and Crawford had then but few friends in Kentucky, 
Crawford w;is my choice, but I say no chance for his election. I 
was overruled in the motion to postpone the resolution, but my vote 
and speech were enough to prove to my const' 'uents that 1 was not 
for Jackson; and when called upon, when forced to vote by the 
house what I thought was the wish of the people of the state, I felt 
myself boand to say that Jackson was their second choice. Of the 
correctness of my vote then I had no doubt, but the deceptions that 
have been practised in consequence of the resolution passing, has, 
I admit, induced in me, sincere regret, that I had not refused to vote 
even that I believed the people preferred Jackson as a second choice" - 
Thus much, Sir, in explanation and denial that I ever was in favor 
of General Jacksons election. I am free to confess, informed as I 
then was, I should have taken Jackson rather than Adams, as the 
lesser evil; but I said then, I wished information that I had not; that 
my mind was made up against both Adams and Jackson, if another 
could be elected. Sir, I was then ignorant of parts of General 
Jackson's history. Never, Sir, until 1827, had I heard of his usurp- 
ing the government of Louisiana; of his expulsion of her Legiskt 
ture, and of his attempt to have condemned and executed, under a 
law proclaimed and made by himself, called martial law, a member 
of the Legislature of Louisiana, and that when his military court ac- 
quitted, had ordered them to try the member again; until 1 82G I had 
never heardof the bloody and cruel sacrifice of John Wood and the 
six other militiamen; until 1828 I had never seen General JacksonV 
answer published, admitting that he had distributed money for 
building boats, &c. for Aaron Burr; until after 1824 he had no! 
written hi? famous appeal to Swartwort, Burr's aid: nor until 182""' 

G 



( M ) 

had the compilation been formed to put down the administration of 
Jtr. Adams, right or wrong, and to elevate General Jackson. 
Among these combinators I admit, I saw some good, some great 
men; but I saw that it was, on the whole, a combination of office 
hunters and office seekers, who had selected Jackson to answer their 
purpose. Might I not then, Mr. Speaker, fairly doubt what course 
to take in 1824, between Adams and Jackson, and have no difficulty 
i:i 1825. And Sir, notwithstanding Mr. Adams went into ofhee 
against my wishes, still I felt bound to judge of his administration 
•with candour, and I have, 1 hope, done so. Throughout his whole 
course I saw nothing to censure him for. He administered the 
government like a statesman. He disdained to be the execu- 
tioner of his own passions, or to degrade his high office to the 
mean business of punishments and rewards; and although the 
combination waxed stronger and stronger, until they constituted a 
majority of both houses of Congress, to the last moment of his ad- 
ministration he kept the vessel of state in good trim, and closed his 
administration with a dignity tliat shed a lustre on both his talents 
and temper. Having for four years, in spite of the most illiberal and 
cruel treatment that any chief magistrate ever endured, conferred 
happiness, wealth and honor upon the American people. Viewing 
the chief magistrate of my nation thus assailed, I should have been 
false to those impulses of nature — to those American feelings I have 
ever cherished, if 1 had not yielded- to him my feeble support. Would 
to Heaven President Jackson had given me the same reasons to sup- 
port his administration; not that that support would have been of 
any value to him, or to any but myself, but he should have had it, 
and that most willingly. Of him I have had nothing to ask. To 
me, Sir, it is indifferent who is President, so my Country prospers; 
and I repeat that never did a man enter upon an office with a fairer 
opportunity to make a whole people happy, than Jackson did. But, 
Sir, when I sec the purposes to which he employs his power and 
distributes the funds of the nation, I confess my mind sickens at the 
prospect before me. To what a condition has he reduced all the social 
circles of life, by the rewards which he bestows upon the libellers 
and evesdroppers that are continually crowding fuel into his bosom, 
already burning with malice against all those who opposed his elec- 
tion. His whole system of administration is predicated upon the 
plan of bribing one part of the community into a disciplined corps, 
to rower and trample upon the other. The presses everywhere pol- 
luted with the vilest slanders, are the chief means of reaching the 
executive favor; and if a man has been a famous libeller, has invent- 
ed some new slander on Adams or Clay, he needs no other qualifica- 
tion for an office; he is then fit for a Fourth Auditor or a minister 
to Colombia. Mr. Speaker told us the other day, that he, President 
Jack-on, was well qualified for the high office he filled; that the 
people had, in a voice cf thunder, proclaimed him well qualified; 



v 61 ) 

that whatever was military or civil in the circle of duty, was per- 
formed by him in a masterly manner. This, Mr. Speaker, was the 
second version of Major Noah's encomium upon the President. It 
seems that some wise heads, the President among them of course, 
some time last summer, thought that it would look mighty pretty if 
we were to send out a few. seventy-fours, to show them to the nations 
of Europe, so that the very sight of them might alarm them into 
profound respect for our great military hero; and in order to pre- 
pare the public mind to take with this piece of peageantry, 
the Major broke the subject by saying that our chief magistrate's 
mind was so entirely military, he let nothing escape him, &c. Mr, 
Speaker left out,'*entirely military," but says he attends to every 
thing; with the care of a statesman, I suppose, Mr. Speaker, I may 
add. 

It is, Sir, both a subject of mortification and amusement, to see. 
to what a pitch these compliments are bringing the President. 
In imitation of the visits of George the IV, of Napoleon, of Fred- 
erick the great, and Alexander, the Russian, to their military depots, 
they send him upon military trips. Last summer they started him 
from the Navy Yard on a great military review, under the thunder 
of Cannon; yes, Sir, every thing in relation to Jackson is in a voice 
of thunder; you know the people speak now in a voice of thunder 
for Jackson; well Sir, he goes thundering with a host of great mili- 
tary chieftains, Secretary Branch and Post-Master Barry in the bar- 
gain; a public ship at public expense is put in requisition, down 
they pass Mount- Vernon, and another thundering of Gannon; they 
reach Norfolk, and more loud thundering of Cannon; the party 
frolic and drink and eat at public expense, until society drives thenl 
back under more thunders of Cannon. And what was all this for, 
Mr. Speaker? Why, Duff Green says, the President wanted to see 
Castle Calhoon. How, Mr. Speaker! Stone masons, peck stones, 
like one of those that are at work this moment iu our yard! But he 
came back, and his cabinet sent him off again to Old Point Com- 
fort, under another thunder of Cannon. General Green had to 
invent some more business for President Jackson at Norfolk a 
second time; and Sir, what was it? To regain his health, that is, he 
went to Norfolk, that land of fever, in the dog days, for his health. 
They send him to see Carrol of Carrolton, and here we have, in the 
Court Gazette, a diary and a minute account how every one sat 9 
looked, eat his victaals or drank his wine. Next they send this en- 
tirely military chief magistrate, to see the Delaware break-water, 
ray, Mr. .Speaker, tell me, do you know what a break-water is? 
_,pon my soul I do not. In soberness and truth Sir, do you think 
this break-water is a part of President Jackson's military establish- 
ment, and that as such he ought to spend his time and the public 
money in looking at it? But, Sir, times arc greatly changed since 
this military chief has come into power. Poor Adams could scarcely 



(52) 

allow time from the pressure of Ms duties, to- fiy to see a dying 
father, in a common stage. No Cannon thundered when he left the 
City. No seventy-fours carried his person; he paid his own stage 
hire. But, Sir, your President Jackson moves in public vessels in 
princely st)le, surrounded by all the lords of his treasury in attend- 
ance— and this at public expense- too. And even your Secretary 
Branch, who is thinking, while the British are smuggling, must have 
an armed ship to take his thoughtful personage to New-York, to 
:vdd dignity, (as Major Noah says^) to the departure o[ our foreign 
ministers. Mr. Speaker, tkisis the way in which this one millioi. 
five hundred thousand dollars has escaped from the treasury, more 
than has come into it this year. This is your retrenchment of ex- 
penses, Sir. President Adams, after laboring from dawn till night 
-md turning night into day, was barely able to perform the duties ot 
Frccidcnt; while President Jackson, having formed an inquisition 
called a cabinet, secmb to have nothing to do; indeed, seems at a loss- 
how to kill time. And now, Mr. Speaker, after Jackson's friends 
have sent us these Carolina resolutions to digest, you call upon us to 
not only vote that Congress has no power to expend a dollar in our 
state to make roads or canals, for national purposes, but to express 
our entire confidence in the administration of President Jackson. 
In this effort you put me in mind of some cruel pedagogues, who, 
ufter whipping the children, force them to kiss the rod. Has not 
President Jackson proscribed all and each of us, in our persons and 
our seed, as far as depends upon his will and wish? Have we, that 
voted against him, anymore hopes of olhce or favor, than our free 
negroes have? Indeed, if we believe the symptoms at West Point, 
his cabinet is basely slandering even our infant and unoffending 
cons, by dismissing them under pretences feigned and false, to make 
way for the sons of Jackson men. Sir, I do not mean to reilect upon 
the great body of General Jackson's friends, many I know, are 
highly honorable men. But, Sir. take them as a whole, do they 
possess all the wisdom and patriotism of this state? Do you think 
they possess more moral worth than those who voted for Mr. Adams? 
You answer no.. And what a wretched tyranny is it that pros- 
cribes one half of the talents, patriotism and moral worth of the 
nation, to the revenge of selfish and malignant passions. Jackson's 
tyranny is still more malignant and selfish; it even excludes the me- 
ritorious of his own friends. A few days since I met with a sensi- 
ble Yankee, who, speaking of Jackson's cruelties in new England, 
on the hopes and prospects of families, without the slightest causes 
whatever, except to provide for his favorites, exclaimed-, 4 *he treats 
you better here, I suppose; but with us, said he, if he gave us the 
respectable of his party we would be better off, yet, I vow, says he, 
he gives us nothing but the scrapings." I confess, Sir, I am like the 
Yankee; I roiild feel better satisfied if he had given us the clever 
fellows of your party, for our lords and masters; \ could with* better 



( 53 ) 

stomach, penWn my daily task under sucTi, than 1 do. But, Mr. 
Speaker, 1 pray you, take a survey of his appointments to office in 
Kentucky. I know the history and so do you, of most of the fortu- 
nate ticket holders in the Jackson lottery. You know, Sir, that 
they were the mere jotsam and flotsam of all parties, ridge poll fel- 
lows, that were snuffing for popular gales — some times federalists, 
some times democrats; some times relief, some times anti-relief; but 
so far as I know or believe, not one of his whole appointments was 
ever Jackson's friend until the combination was fairly formed, and 
the fifty thousand dollar fund was raised, to make him President. 
How many of his Kentucky appointees, up to 1825, were ready 
at all times to lick the dust from Clay's feet? Jackson had many 
fast friends, those that supported him from gratitude and principle* 
But, Sir, not one such, to my knowledge, has received an appoint- 
ment. The reason why such of his friends have been passed over, 
while his fence and ridge poll retainers and followers have been lib- 
erally rewarded, is an obvious one; the General's cabinet under- 
stand that these fellows want money, and if they dont get it they 
will quit him, but his men of principle will be true to their princi- 
ples; and hence it is, that he has slighted the claims of his best 
friends and preferred the very fag ends of his party here and else- 
where. There are, to be sure, degrees among them, but some of 
them yoa know, and all who hear me know, not only disgraces his 
administration, but are a disgrace to their species. When the ad- 
ministration thus selects and makes its appointments, what faith or 
confidence can any Jackson man but an office seeker, conscious that 
he does not deserve the office he seeks, have in it? Sir, an adminis- 
tration that calls forth the wor&t principles of our nature, proscrip- 
tion, persecution, punishments and rewards, can but use such instru- 
ments as he employs. I pray you, Mr. Speaker, and my Jackson 
friends, who are such from principle, look to the immoral influences 
which this administration must have on the nation; of the five hun 
dred new appointments, nearly one half are scurrilous di^ty printers, 
who possessed neither merit nor talents, beyond a capacity to abuse 
and vilify. This is encouragement to others to supply the vacancy 
or vacuums created by withdrawing these libellers from their occu- 
pations; nay, Sir, to call into existence a new host of such gentry 
as feed upon and devour character. Of what avail but to deceive 
and mislead, can the press be, when the whole patronage of the ad- 
ministration is used to currupt it. In your own state scarce a, 
being, however contemptible or infamous, of this tribe uf libellers, 
but has been rewarded in some shape or other. I will pass over the 
small fry, but must call your attention to a fact as it regards the 
rewarding printers, that demands your serious attention and a little 
of that of the people, it is that of Kendall. This individual, re- 
siding out of the state, claims to be your public printer, and you 
ha-ve or will pay him as such, agaiwst the 7th article, o( your const:- 



(64) 

tution. Worse too Sir. Blair, your President of the Bank of the 
Commonwealth, is either a partner of Kendall or his pensioned 
editor, and perhaps both; so that here is already a press, backed 
by both the treasuries of the state and nation, and the Common- 
wealth's Bank in the bargain, in its abuse of the public ear, and in 
its general diffusion of falsehood. Mr. Penn was too snugly situat- 
ed at Louisville to be removed, but th» powers that be, knew too 
well how important his press and influence were to them; and 1 am 
told they pay him off in a snug little job, styled, the printing of 
blanks for the Post-Orhces west of the Aleghany mountains, or some 
such contrivance, by which he is rewarded with an annuity of about 
two thousand dollars. What chance has truth and patriotism to 
make an honest appeal to the peoph-, or to disabuse the public ear, 
when the administration is thus buying up and corrupting the presses? 
There are others of this tribe of libellers, rewarded by the hero, 
too degraded to be enumerated. I will not, therefore, pursue this 
loathsome subject farther.- 

But may I not appeal to all honest Jackson men, who have no inter- 
est in these plans of corruption, to pause before they commit them- 
selves farther, and before their country is plunged too deep in cor- 
ruption to be redeemed by their patriotism; to join with the honest 
men of all parties, and save their country from impending ruin? 
Yes, Mr. Speaker, I say to all Jackson men who do not love this 
hero of two wars, better than their wives and children; and who do 
not seek office more than their country's good — pause : while to save 
your country from blood and tears, is within your power — while to 
saveyourselves,your wives and children from want, is in your power. 
That this nation can get on with such an administration, is impossi- 
ble. An administration, the whoie energies of which, are directed 
to the devouring instead of sustaining the country. Most of you 
are farmers, some mechanics and some merchants. I beseech you 
to view the prospects of the classes of labour to which you belong. 
Ask yourselves why is it, that year after year rolls around, and 
leaves no spare capital to the people of Ken tacky; and that the 
early settlers are selling their farms continually, where they have 
spent a life of labour and toil to pay their debts, and migrate 
to the wilds beyond the Mississippi, in quest of cheap lands; and 
you will find that the answer is, the secret but blighting influence of 
the policy proclaimed in this speech — that is, to spend no money in 
the interior of <he States by way of national improvements, and to 
leave the mechanic, merchant, farmer and manufacturer, to corn- 
pete in their own markets with European labour and capital. I 
have been both amused and astonished at the remarks of some gen- 
tlemen, who seem to suppose that we pay no taxes- to the national 
treasury. Jackson has expended this year twenty-six millions one 
hundred and sixty-four thousand five hundred and ninety-five dollars 
■ >nH ten cents, Now, Sir, what is the twenty-fourth part of thatj, 



Nearly twelve hundred thousand dollars. Yes, Sir, while you 
pay a little upwards of one hundred thousand dollars to your State., 
you pay at least twelve times that sum to the national treasury — 
supposing the wealth, numbers, and capital, and consumptions of 
the State to be just one twenty- fourth part of that of the whole Union; 
but your consumptions will exceed that average, and of course your 
proportion of taxes exceed that average. And Sir, how do you pay 
this enormous sum? Why, Sir, by a tax upon your backs, a tax on 
your coats, or as I told the gentleman Irorn Barren, by a tax on your 
shirt collars. But this is not all Sir — this tax is only the fifth part of 
what you pay; the other four-fifths are paid to the British weaver and 
grower of this tea plant which your President wishes to make a 
necessary of life. Can you sir, stand much longer this drain of at 
least six millions annually ; is there a man in his senses, that believes 
the country can stand it? No, Sir, rely on it, you will find their se- 
cret pressure drawing from you your very substance and means of 
vitality, like an air pump to the unconscious rabbit, until to breathe 
in this land of ours, will become impossible. The British weavers,. 
Sir, like the Scots and Picts drove the ancient Britons, are driving 
you to the western ocean, and they will press you thence, until Jhe 
sea rolls you back upon your destroyers. Year after year you see 
your strength passing off, like your old mother Virginia, leaving un- . 
tenanted farms; or see the grazier or land Baron, welding twenty 
tenements into one; your labour unrewarded and discouraged, and 
like your blind mother, will you s{ill hug your own ruin? Look to 
that great State, with all the varieties of soil and most of climate j 
with her seaboard, her rivers and her mountains; with her fertile 
plains and navigable streams; with tnore water power and seats 
for manufacturing, than are to be found in the wholelsland of Great 
Britain together — dependant, on foreign manufacture and foreign- 
luxuries for food and raiment, until the wilderness reclaimed by the 
ancient Virginians, is re-asserting its dominion over large portions 
of its once most thickly populated districts. When all America that 
pursues the same downward course, must meet the same fate — can 
you escape? Is it not visibly progressing before your eyes? Yes, Mr. 
Speaker, it is, and you cant escape it. It was to redeem the State 
of Kentucky and Virginia, and all the South from the fatal spell 
that binds them in chains to the British nation, that Clay and Ad- 
ams have, from time to time, urged upon Congress the exertions of 
the beneficient power of protecting our manufacturers, and opening 
the communications between the States — to make your own victuals 
and clothes, sir, is the way to jour wealth and independence. 

Had Mr. Adams been the choice of the people, this great truth 
would have been pressed upon us, with all the ardour of patriotism. 
Instead of the forty-three ships passing the sound for Riga and St. 
Petersburg, from Boston alone, for foreign hemp and flax, the admin- 
istration would have driven this capital into the hemp and flax laud-. 



( 5B 

of the state-. New modes of cultareand manufacture would bare 
been taught, until America, instead of buying hemp and flax, would 
be able to supply Emopc with those articles. Instead of an army 
of oliiee seekers and office hunters, devouring your treasury and 
inundating the land with their libels; instead of the hundreds of 
thousands squandered to send your Tom P. Moore's on foreign mis- 
sions, you would have had an army of engineers and labourers, cut- 
ting down your mountains, opening your rivers. Yes, Sir, this one 
million six hundred thousand dollars, that Jackson has spent beyond 
your revenue this year, would have half made you a national road 
from Zanesville to New Orleans. In Virginia, the Carolinas, Geor- 
gia, Tennessee and Kentucky, every where on this continent, would 
manufactories spring into existence, nntil your hills and their hills, 
now destined to remain waste or the habitations of wild beasts, 
would have been covered with your docks and herds, to give you 
independence in reality, as well as name. Bu(, Mr. Speaker, jour 
manufacturers, merchants and mechanics, may now pour out their 
complaints to this administration in vain. Jackson is entirely too 
military to attend to them. He may say to them as Buonaparte did 
to the mission from Amsterdam, "my government is formed for the 
soldier and the gentleman, not for the merchant and manufacturer/" 
His government, sir, is for the army and oilice hunter — these truths 
you know, sir. There is not a man that hears me, who docs not 
know, that what I say is truth as to the actual condition of things-. 
And is it not strange sir, that while you arc compelled to admit the 
mdispehsihle necessity of sustaining and upholding the policy pur- 
sued by Adams and Clay, when you cannot, appealing to your own 
consciences, deny that the policy of Jackson's administration, is 
corrupting the morals of the nation, and must soon pauperize the 
State? Why, I ask you, do you uphold an administration that threa- 
tens destruction to the whole morals and wealth of the country? 
Why arc wc now, Mr. Speaker, distracting ourselves and our State, 
in upholding a policy so fatal lo all that is dear and valuable in. 
morals and independence? While the contest lasted for the chair 
of State, it was not whether the policy of Adams' administration 
was just and proper for you; but whether Jackson would pursure 
■hat policy. We told you that he would not, you disbelieved; you 
made your choice, he has deceived you; why not acknowledge that 
he has done so, and let us all meet upon the basis of our own and 
our country's good? Let us no longer strive for victory for our man, 
but cast off all personal considerations and recollections of what 
wc 'nave been, pursue principle, and wc are one people at once. We 
have but one interest — but one object. Wc can have but one, and 
that is the happiness and prosperity of our common country. Con- 
sider that labour is the means to obtain that; and that no adminis- 
tration that fails to protect and encourage labor, can promote the 
general good. Consider what the President recommends, to either 



( 57 ) 

■jjroiect labour or morals, and you will see them totally neglected, 
while profusion and extravagance marlis every sentence of his mes- 
sage and every act of his administration. See his enormous expen- 
diture of more than twenty-six millions of dollars, on a sinking rev- 
enue; while he is calling upon Congress to release public defaulters, 
and to add to the expenses of the government, such stale claims as 
Mrs. Decatur's, as well as by adding to the Supreme Court, already 
too numerous, more Judges, thereby to increase his patronage and 
power of rewarding his friends. Look to the myriods already ex- 
pended unnecessarily by him in creating useless foreign missions; 
all in the face of the pledges, of his friends, that reform and re- 
trenchment should be a fundamental law of his cabinet. This is 
one year — the beginning; and what, I ask you, is to be the ending of 
this policy, eight years hence? Can your country stand this profu- 
sion and corrupting for eight years? No, Sir; no. I know, Sir, 
that many promise the people that this is to last but four years. 
Jackson and all his friends electioneered on this pledge to the people ; 
but, Sir, dont believe this pledge. It is the last that he or his 
friends intend redeeming. You might as well expect the miser to 
grow tired, and voluntarily yield his hoard, as Jackson to volunta- 
rily retire. No, Sir, he will cling to his twenty-five thousand dollars 
and the distribution of twenty-six millions of patronage, while life 
lasts, uidess driven from it by public sentiment. Amend your con- 
stitution, and turn the Indians into President makers, as he recom- 
mends; and, Sir, at the end of eight, nay, Sir, at the end of four 
years, he may feel himself as necessary to these United States, as 
Bolivar finds himself to be to the Republic of Colombia. You must, 
Mr. Speaker, make up your mind to bear the present state of things 
until public sentiment acts and reacts upon the policy of his ad- 
ministration; for 1 know nothing of human nature, if he ever vol- 
untarily lay down power, or if the office hunters and holders per- 
mit him to do so. No, the General that would draw his pay and 
rations while living at the Hermitage, until driven from his office bv 
an act of Congress, will not yield pay and power, until expelled 
from them by public sentiment. I would, therefore, thus early ad- 
monish my Jackson friends, who have brought their country into this 
condition, (and among such, I can reckon, not only many honorable 
friends, but nearest relations;) not to take to themselves the conso- 
lation, that Jackson will voluntarily retire, as he promissed to do. 
They may prepare to sustain the weight, the responsibility of his 
administration — or to change it without his consent. 

Mr. Speaker, I have exhausted my own strength as well as the 
patience of the Senate. In resuming my seat, I can but remark, 
that it has been my misfortune to spend that portion of my life, 
which I intended for the people, and in which I intended to be use- 
ful to my country, I fear, without effecting much for that country, 
however endeared to me: or advancing my individual happiness oy 

H 



(58) 

lhat of my famil)'. I entered tlie Legislature when the policy ot 
t c State, was that, which is proclaimed hy General Jackson; a pol- 
icy ^hat ruined her credit and bankrupted her institutions — in strug- 
g. ng against which, I know, I have broken up many private friend- 
ships. This, I regret; but I never despaired of the State. We 
have all, thank God, now to rejoice, that as far as depends upon the 
administration of the State, we are safe. But when I look to the 
ration, and see the errors which brought my State to the brink of 
destruction, located there, and seated in power, I confess, sir, I feel 
overwhelmed with the possible consequences that may flow there- 
from, upon this once happy and still powerful nation. But whatever 
shall be my destiny, or that of my family, I shall, I trust, in soul and 
heart, always be for my country. 

Since the above was delivered, I have obtained from the public 
records the following extracts, which are to prove beyond the pos- 
s? ility of doubt, the profligacy of the present administration, to- 
wit: 

In 1 825, the first year of Mr. Adams' administration, he expended 

in all $23,585,804 72 

He paid of the public debt 12,095,344 78 

This sum paid all expenses $11,499,459 94 

In the 2nd year, 1826, he expended $24,103,298 4C 

Public debt paid 11,041,082 19 



$13,062,314 27 
In this year, Adams paid out of this sum ahout $49 \ ^000 for Rev- 
olutionary Pensions, Indian Treaties, Public Buildings, &c. 

In 1827, the expenses of the government, were $22,656,764 04 
Public debt paid 10,003,668 39 

Treaty of Ghent 398,696 93 

Net expense $12,534,878 92 

Expenses in 1828 $25,485,313 90 

Debt paid, Treaty of Ghent, &c." 12,954,107 47 

$12,531,800 43 

In 1829, Jackson's administration $26,163,591 10 

Public debt and under Treaty of Ghent 12,406,002 35 

Net expenditure by JarV«v> $13,758,5$$ 70 



( 59 ) 

Contingent expenses of both Houses of Congress for ten ycarsS 

For 1820, $45,000 

For 182), 49.000 

For 1822, 45,000 

For 1823, 40.000) , r „ , ,, . 

For 1 824, 60,000$ (C1 ^ S P eaker theSe 7 cars -> 

For 1825, 65,000 

For 1826, 87.000 

For 1827, 87,000 

For 1828, 106,203} For these three years both Houses 
For 1829, 106.000 > have had Jackson majorities and 
For 1830, 135,600) Jackson Speakers. 

This specimen will, it is hoped, satisfy the candid of all parties f 
what faitb is due to Jackson's promised retrenchment. For the 
prospect before us, the attention of the reader, is not only calif d to 
the President's demand for more Judges to be added to the Supreme- 
Court, and an addition to the Attorney General's salary, but to 
the call of his Post- Master General for another Assistant Post-Mas-' 
ter General and ten additional Clerks, to his office alone. 



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